THE CATBIRD SEAT


 

To see where Greed and Evil meet, climb into the catbird seat.


 

Part I - Birds of a Feather

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that "all men are created equal."

-- Abraham Lincoln - November 19, 1863

~ ~ ~

WELCOME TO THE CATBIRD SEAT!

If you came here to try to spot some of the world's most powerful vultures and birds of prey, you won't be disappointed.

If you observe these birds carefully, you will note they have many common characteristics -- even common breeding habits -- and you'll always find them flocking together.

What are the common traits to look for? Well, these birds generally are found to have:

         a bat's penchant for preying under the cover of darkness

         an absolute lack of compassion for the less fortunate

         a love of self that is their one and only love

         an overactive sense of superiority

         the morals of a dead buzzard

         a thrill for the kill

         no remorse

         greed

It is this last characteristic -- GREED -- that defines the species. The greed for money.

Money can buy controlling interests in giant corporations. Money can buy bodies for fulfilling desires. Money can buy servants, even slaves. Money can buy politicians and regulators and judges.

Thus, money can buy power.

Does this mean that all the wealthy are obsessed with buying power? No, but it does mean that if you are poor you have absolutely no chance of buying a politician, or a judge, or a regulator of any sort.

So if you're ready, get out your best binoculars, be really still and quiet, and take a good look at some of the richest and most powerful birds in the world (and their scavenger sidekicks)...

~ o ~

A. J. C. Smith - Chairman of the Board and CEO of Marsh & McLennan Companies since 1992. Mr. Smith is a trustee of the various mutual funds managed by Putnam Investment Management, Inc., a subsidiary of MMC. He is also a member of the Board of Overseers of the Joan and Sanford I. Weill Graduate School of Medical Sciences of Cornell University.

In 1998, A.J.C. Smith raked in $6.5 million in salary, bonus and other compensation from Marsh & McLennan Companies. Add to that $11.3 million in stock option grants, and Mr. Smith goes to Washington with a total of $17.9 million. He also has $25.2 million in unexercised stock options from previous years.

On Nov 18, 1999, the Board of Directors of Marsh & McLennan Companies elected Jeffrey W. Greenberg as CEO to succeed A.J.C. Smith, age 65, who will remain chairman of the board until he retires from the company at its 2000 annual meeting.

It was announced that Mr. Smith will continue as a member of the company's board.

For more, GO TO > > > The Marsh Birds; Putnam Investments


 

Adele Smith Simmons - Director of Marsh & McLennan Companies since 1978. President of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation from 1989 to 1999. She is also a director of the Synergos Institute and the Union of Concerned Scientists and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.

Simmons presided over the MacArthur Foundation's billions during the period when most of the foundation's Florida real estate was sold off -- the last of which was sold to WCI Communities at the same time Ms. Simmons announced her decision to resign as president of the foundation.

For more, GO TO > > > The Marsh Birds


 

Al Gore - (D) Vice President of the United States of America, 1992-2000, and a few pregnant chads short of being U.S. President, 2001-2005.

From The Buying of the President 2000 , by Charles Lewis and The Center for Public Integrity:

On Sept 7, 1995, Vice President Albert Gore, Jr., stood on the White House lawn and talked in sweeping terms about ending the era of big government. He touted a list of recommendations formulated by the National Performance Review, an initiative Gore directed that, he claimed, streamlined the federal bureaucracy, cut unnecessary waste, and helped make the government "work better and cost less." Gore said that his report, delivered to President Clinton that day, would continue the drive to "reinvent government."

Gore did not mention that his recommendations to the President included a plan to give oil companies access to thousands of acres of oil-rich, publicly owned land that the U.S. Navy has held as emergency reserves since 1912. Ever since the federal government earmarked the reserves for military emergencies, the oil industry had tried and failed to pry them away from the Navy.

In 1922 a couple of oil men-- Edward L Doneny and Harry Sinclair-- bribed Albert Fall, the Secretary of the Interior in the Harding Administration, for secret leases to drill on two of the fields, the Teapot Dome field just outside of Casper, Wyoming, and the Elk Hills field in Bakersfield, California. Doheny and his Pan-American Petroleum and Transport Company (later Atlantic Richfield Company or ARCO), paid $300,000 to Fall in exchange for the rights. When the bribes were uncovered the ensuing Teapot Dome scandal forced the resignations of Fall (who later went to prison) [and who forever gave his family name to the colloquialism: "the fall guy"] and Edward Denby, the Secretary of the Navy.

In 1973, during the Arab oil embargo, the Nixon Administration tried to lease Elk Hills to boost domestic oil production. In 1984, 1986, and 1987, the Reagan Administration proposed selling Elk Hills for a lump sum payment of $1.5 billion that would go toward reducing the federal budget deficit. Each time, Congress wisely blocked the sale of Elk Hills.

But where Fall, Nixon, and Reagan had failed, Gore succeeded. ... President Clinton took Gore's advice and approved a deal to let oil companies buy some of the reserves. The White House then pushed to have language authorizing the sales inserted in the 1996 defense authorization bill, which Congress ultimately approved.

Oil companies bid on the field and, finally, on Oct 6, 1997, the Energy Department announced that the government would sell its interest in the 47,000-acre Elk Hills reserve to Occidental Petroleum Corp for $3.65 billion. It was the largest privatization of federal property in U.S. history, one that tripled Occidental's U.S. oil reserves overnight....

Although the Energy Dept was required to assess the likely environmental consequences of the proposed sale, it didn't. Instead, it hired a private company, ICF Kaiser International, Inc., to complete the assessment. The general chairman of Gore's presidential campaign, Tony Coelho, sat on the board of directors.

Just hours after the announcement of the Elk Hills sale, Gore stood across town on the campus of Georgetown University and delivered a speech to the White House Conference on Climate Change on the "terrifying prospect" of global warming, a problem he blamed on the unchecked use of fossil fuels such as oil. ...

~ ~ ~

Occidental Petroleum has been a steady supplier of campaign funds to Gore and to the Democratic Party, though its relationship with Gore goes far deeper. Armand Hammer, who built Occidental Petroleum into the behemoth it is today and who's been described as "the Godfather of American corporate corruption," liked to say that he had Gore's father, Senator Albert Gore, Sr., "in my back pocket." When the elder Gore left the Senate in 1970, Hammer gave him a $500,000-a-year job as the chairman of Island Coal Creek Company, an Occidental subsidiary, and a seat on Occidental's board of directors. By 1992, Gore owned Occidental stock valued at $680,000....

~ ~ ~

Consider the lineup:

Tony Coelho . . . resigned in disgrace from the House of Representatives amid charges that he was involved in a sweetheart deal with Michael Milken, the notorious junk-bond dealer.

Nathan Landow . . . investigated for trying to influence the testimony of Kathleen Willey, the White House volunteer who alleged that President Clinton groped her in a corridor outside the Oval Office. [See: William J. Clinton ]

Franklin Haney . . . indicted on 42 counts of making illegal contributions to Tennessee politicians and investigated by Congress for financial irregularities in the lease of a Washington office building that is now home to the FCC.

Maria Hsia . . . indicted for making improper campaign contributions.

Howard Glicken . . . convicted of persuading a foreign national to contribute to a campaign.

Mark Jimenez . . . indicted for making illegal campaign contributions, and currently a fugitive from justice living in the Philippines.

What do they all have in common?

Albert Gore, Jr.

Some are currently employed by, or otherwise involved in, Gore's presidential campaign. Others are past associates that Gore would like the public and the press to forget as he pursues the highest office in the land. . . .

* * *

Albert Gore, Jr.'s Top 10 Career Patrons

1. Ernst & Young International

2. BellSouth Corp.

3. Goldman Sachs

4. D.E. Shaw & Co./Kohliner families

5. Citigroup, Inc.

6. Viacom, Inc.

7. Mattel, Inc./The Learning Co.

8. Eskind family

9. Walt Disney Co.

10. Olan Mills family

* * *

See also: Mark Jimenez

For more, GO TO > > > A Flock of Donkeys ; The Donkey Nests


 

Albert J. Dunlap - From The New York Times, 05/16/01: '

Chainsaw Al' Accused of Fraud

Albert J. Dunlap, the former chief executive officer of Sunbeam Corp., directed an accounting fraud in which he was aided by a partner of Arthur Andersen, the firm that audited Sunbeam's books, the Securities and Exchange Commission charged yesterday.

Dunlap, best known for ruthless turnaround plans that usually involved slashing jobs, saw his memoirs become a best-seller.

Sunbeam's stock leaped nearly 50 percent the day he was hired to run the company in 1996. But the SEC suit, filed in U.S. District Court in Miami, said the Sunbeam turnaround directed by Dunlap was a sham.

"This case is the latest in our ongoing fight against fraudulent earnings management practices," said Richard H. Walker, the commission's director of enforcement.

Sunbeam, now in bankruptcy reorganization, settled related administrative proceedings filed by the SEC, accepting a cease-and-desist order barring further violations of securities laws. It did not admit or deny the allegations.

But Dunlap, along with four other former top executives of the company, and Phillip E. Harlow, the Andersen partner who was in charge of auditing Sunbeam, said they would fight the charges. . . .

Dunlap, in a statement released by his attorney, called the charges "totally false," and added, "I am outraged that the SEC has chosen to bring these baseless charges against me.

Less likely to be outraged are the thousands of Sunbeam employees who were cut from the payrolls by the man known as Chainsaw Al. He became a corporate star in the 1990s, making tens of millions of dollars for himself as he dismissed thousands of employees in the name of efficiency.

For more on Arthur Andersen, GO TO > > > The Story of Enron


 

Andrew Ferdinand Moses - "a mysterious New York investment banker."

From Journal Inquirer, 11/22/00, by Don Michak: . . . A former top official with one of the nation's wealthiest foundations denied Tuesday that he was able to start his own investment partnership with $100 million in Connecticut pension money because he agreed to go along with an extortionate demand by former state Treasurer Paul J. Silvester.

But Lawrence L. Landry, who until two years ago was chief financial officer at the Chicago-based MacArthur Foundation, confirmed that he paid at least $1.09 million in "finders fees" to a mysterious New York investment banker, Andrew Ferdinand Moses, only after Silvester suggested that Moses was the man to help him get the state's backing.

Landry said the corrupt former treasurer also had arranged for Moses to meet him and his associates in the Palm Beach Florida-based Westport Senior Living Investment Fund, which buys and develops retirement communities.

"He said that it would be a good idea to use a placement agent, and he introduced us to Moses," Landry explained, referring to Silvester. . . .

Moses, who has refused to return telephone calls since his name surfaced in connection with the Silvester scandal, is said by those who have done business with him to be the scion of a wealthy New York real estate family who dabbles in investment banking.

But Landry and Magee said that Moses was no dilettante, having once worked for a "major" investment bank they did not identify.

They said they had "checked out" Moses and went along with Silvester's suggestion because he had assisted in other deals with the state pension fund.

State treasury records show Moses received a $437,500 fee in connection with one other investment authorized by Silvester.

Landry and Magee said Westport signed a contract with Moses' company, New York Capital Partners, which also was supposed to find investors in other states for the partnership.

Moses met with little success, however, and Westport, which was seeking $400 million for investors, ended up with a total of $160 million-- with $100 million put up by Silvester.

During his half hour presentation to the IAC, Landry revealed that the biggest backer of Westport Advisers Ltd., the general partner in Westport Senior Living Investment Fund is Kamehameha Schools/Bishop Estate, a $10 billion Hawaiian education trust that owns 69.2% of Westport.

Similarly, Landry disclosed that Bishop Estate is also the second-biggest investor in the Westport Senior Living Fund itself, having put up $25 million....

For more, GO TO > > > A Connecticut Yankee in King Kamehameha's Court


 

Ben F. Andrews - From ctnow.com :, by J. Lender, M. McIntire and M. Daly - 10/21/99:

Top Politicians Linked To
Pension Fund Deals

State Treasurer Denise L. Nappier shone the light Wednesday on seldom seen machinations that have put millions into the pockets of well-connected "finders" in state pension investment deals -- and some of the state's best-known politicians were caught in the glare. . . .

It included last year's Republican nominee for secretary of the state, Ben F. Andrews, and Jay Malcynsky, a lawyer-lobbyist who is a top GOP operative and confidant of Republican Gov. John G. Rowland.

It also included prominent Democrats: former state Senate leader William DiBella; Nappier's 1998 campaign manager, Mrs. Phil Guinan, who owns a lobbying firm; and George Finley of West Hartford, who has been a partner in finder's fee deals with former Democratic State Chairman John F. Droney and top national Democratic player Peter G. Kelly. . . .

Andrews received all or part of at least $1.3 million in finder's fees on several deals involving firms including Brown Capital Management of Baltimore-- which paid him $700,000 by itself-- and Landmark Private Equity Fund and PaineWebber Inc., according to Nappier's disclosures.

Andrews, former leader of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's (NAACP) state chapter, could not be reached for comment . . .

For more, GO TO > > > A Connecticut Yankee in King Kamehameha's Court


 

Bill Bradley - From The Buying of the President 2000: On Jan 24, 1989, members of the Senate Finance Committee, then chaired by Democrat Lloyd Bentsen of Texas, held a hearing to discuss the wave of hostile takeovers and leveraged buyouts that had sent shock waves through the American Economy.

"In 1981, the total value of leveraged-buyout transactions in this country was $3 billion," Bentsen explained to his fellow committee members. "By 1987 that had increased over ten times, until last year alone, in the acquisition of Kraft and RJR-Nabisco, that acquisition by itself- those acquisitions- were shown to be at $36 billion."

Even more troubling, Bentsen explained, were the rivers of red ink that leveraged buyouts were adding to the bottom lines of so many American companies. "The net result of all these transactions is that you're seeing a corporate debt burden that is being tied to a reduction in corporate equity," he said. "Over the period of 1984 to 1987, the non-financial corporations in this country retired a net of $313 billion in equity, and at the same time borrowed a net of $613 billion in debt."

The surge in corporate debt wasn't the only reason for concern. The leveraged-buyout spree of the 1980s brought an unprecedented wave of bankruptcies, layoffs, plant closings, and financial frauds. A few got fantastically rich. Hundreds of thousands of others- ordinary Americans who'd worked for years for companies that were part of their communities- lost their jobs, their pensions, and their standards of living.

Appearing before the Senate Finance Committee the same day, Treasury Secretary Nicholas Brady discussed the effects that the wave of leveraged buyouts and the growing pile of junk debt had on federal tax revenues. "Since interest payments are deductible but corporate dividends are not, there is a substantial tax advantage that accrues to LBOs and other transactions that effectively substitute corporate debt for equity," Brady testified.

In other words, a company that generated profits and issued dividends to shareholders also paid taxes, a company whose profits went to paying off mountains of junk bond debt paid no taxes at all.

It was just the arcane issue that typically fascinated the cerebral second-term Senator from New Jersey, Bill Bradley. As one of the key architects of the Tax Reform act of 1986, Bradley was familiar with the intricacies of corporate finance. . . . He was acutely aware of the vast assortment of loopholes, shelters, and other devices that wealthy individuals and corporations used to avoid paying federal income taxes. If anyone was qualified to understand the implications of the shift from equity to debt, it was Bill Bradley.

But rather that address the issue of the unlimited deduction for corporate interest that, as Treasury Secretary Brady described it, allowed the junk bond dealers "to change the rules of the game," Bradley decided to focus on the short-term. Brady suggested that interest deductions be limited to prevent the abuses of the leverages-buyout artists; Bradley preferred to accentuate the positive. He noted that those who sold companies to corporate raiders earned capital gains, which were subject to income taxes.

The bottom line, to Bradley at least, was this: "And well- and so, it's a wash to the federal government in terms of tax revenues."

In this case, however, Bradley, an Ivy Leaguer and Rhodes scholar, was wrong in a big way.

In 1994, the most recent year for which complete statistics are available, total corporate deductions for interest came to $611 billion. The sum of long- and short-term capital gains- that is, the amount of money all individual taxpayers earned by selling stocks, real estate, art, and so on - totaled just $150 billion. And the revenue produced by that $150 billion was far less. The maximum tax rate on capital gains in 1994 was 28 percent, meaning that at most the capital gains tax raised was $42 billion- less than a tenth of the value of the corporate interest write-off.

For the record, the $611 billion in total interest deductions that year also dwarfed the $173 billion in total federal income taxes paid by corporations.

Debt had indeed produced a new set of rules, but Bradley preferred to think of it as "a wash."

Nine months after the hearing, in Oct 1989, the Washington Post reported that takeover artists had flooded Congress with contributions the year before. The top recipient was none other than Bradley, who received $96,000 in contributions- mostly from executives of two firms, Wesray Capital Corporation and Hambrecht & Quist- in a year he wasn't even running for reelection. . . .

In 1992, in an interview with a writer for the New Republic, Bradley said that he opposed any attempt to use the tax code to rein in hostile takeovers. . . .

Over the course of his political career, Bradley has raised hundreds of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions from officers and executives of firms in the corporate-takeover business. Some highlights: at least $50,000 from Wesray Capital Corporation; at least $65,500 from Hambrecht & Quist; at least $84,250 from Skadden, Arps, Meagher and Flom, a New York firm that made millions advising corporate raiders, at least$102,601 from Prudential Securities, Inc. (formerly Prudential Bache Securities) and Prudential Insurance Company of America; $148,800 from Goldman Sachs, and at least $228,000 from Solomon Smith Barney (now a subsidiary of Citigroup, Bradley's No. 1 career patron).

Before it collapsed in 1990, Bradley took in nearly $20,000 from the notorious Drexel Burnham Lanbert, Inc. In 1986, Bradley even attended Drexel's Predators' Ball, a lavish party at which Carl Icahn, Victor Posner, Nelson Peltz, and other corporate raiders could rub elbows with junk bond king, Michael Milken, savings-and-loan operators, and favored politicians...

~ ~ ~

Preserving the Keogh tax break for wealthy professionals while killing the IRA deduction for the middle class wasn't the only favor Bradley did for the well-off during his three terms in the Senate. While Bradley may have eschewed constituent services for the many, there were a few New Jerseyans whom he was willing to go to bat for. They just happened to be multinational pharmaceutical companies.

Bradley often pointed to the fact that pharmaceutical companies were one of the largest employers in the state as his motive for protecting their interests. But more than once, his favors for drug makers, who contributed large sums of money to his campaigns, flew in the face of the public interest. On two occasions Bradley even abandoned the public stand he took against tax breaks for special interests to save the pharmaceutical industry's biggest boondoggle, Section 936 of the Internal Revenue Code.

Under Section 936, companies that shift manufacturing jobs to Puerto Rico receive as much as a 100 percent tax break on revenues earned in the territory. The purpose of the tax credit, which first took effect afer World War II, was to encourage U.S. companies to invest in Puerto Rico, thus creating jobs and raising wages on the impoverished island.

While the standard of living in Puerto Rico remains far below that of the United States, the tax break has proven to be a lucrative way for U.S. companies to boost their profits.

Although any industry that operates in Puerto Rico can benefit from the tax credit, drug makers benefit more than any other. A 1992 report by the General Accounting Office estimated that from 1980 to 1990 the Possessions Tax Credit generated a $10.1 billion windfall- about 56 percent of the tax benefit- for 26 pharmaceutical companies. Drug companies not only have factories on the island, but they also shelter income earned in the United States there by transferring patents for highly profitable drugs to their Puerto Rican subsidiaries.

Little wonder that one of Bradley's colleagues in the Senate, Democrat David Pryor of Arkansas, branded Section 936 "the mother of all tax breaks."

Bradley first saved the Possessions Tax Credit in 1986, just as Congress was hammering out the details of the Tax Reform Act. By that time, it had become clear that Section 936 was doing little to improve conditions in Puerto Rico, and was costing the Treasury billions. . . .

The drug industry, understandably, moved to save its lucrative subsidy. In a letter to Bradley, the chief executives of nine drug companies made a thinly veiled threat to move their operations to foreign countries if Section 936 was repealed. Bradley later told the Center that he didn't remember the letter, adding that it wouldn't have mattered anyway. He fought to save Section 936 and won. "The pharmaceutical industry is one of the largest employers in New Jersey [50,000 jobs], and I didn't need a letter from the companies to know the importance of the industry to my state and my constituents," Bradley told the Center. The sweeping Tax Reform act of 1986 left the provision alone.

When "the mother of all tax breaks" came under assault a few years later, Bradley once again came to the drug industry's rescue. On March 11, 1992, Pryor introduced an amendment to do away with Section 936. It was the first step in a larger effort to force drug makers to contain the skyrocketing prices of prescription drugs. (Prescription drug prices have increased 146 percent in ten years- triple the rate of inflation.) Closing the Section 936 loop-hole would have saved the nation's taxpayers more than $7 billion over five years. But the pharmaceutical industry's allies immediately took to the Senate floor to block the proposal. First up on the podium was Bradley.

Bradley was the second-ranking member of the Senate Finance Committee, the tax-writing panel that had jurisdiction over Pryor's amendment. He was soon followed by Democrat Daniel Patrick Moynihan of New York, the committee's chairman, who made it clear that Pryor's amendment was going nowhere. . . .

Those weren't the only special tax breaks Bradley sought for special interests. From 1986 to 1993, Bradley introduced at least 45 bills on behalf of chemical companies seeking a reduction or suspension of the taxes they pay on imported chemicals used in a variety of products, from pesticides and drugs to dyes and resins.

Bradley explained away the contradiction between his effort to close tax loopholes embodied in the 1986 Tax Reform Act and doling out corporate welfare to chemical companies by saying, "I think the distinction is, if you believe in open trade, you believe in as low a tariff as possible. You want to get to a world where there are no tariffs."

Bradley was so enamored of free trade that he even tried to eliminate tariffs for the benefit of foreign companies. He cut tariffs for Dutch and French firms as well as American corporations, all with dire consequences for the environment and public health.

Among the substances Bradley repeatedly sought tariff exemptions for are highly toxic pesticides, ethyl parathion, methyl parathion, and malathion. All three belong to a class of chemicals known as organophosphates, which were originally developed during World War II by the Nazis for use in chemical warfare. The EPA lists all three pesticides as a danger to birds, mammals, and aquatic life.

Bradley won the duty suspensions on the pesticides for Cheminova, Inc., a Danish chemical giant whose U.S. subsidiary is based in Wayne, N.J.

When inhaled or absorbed through the skin, ethyl parathion attacks the nervous system, causing nausea, vomiting, headaches, blurred vision, sweating, drooling, muscle spasms, and, in some cases, coma and death. It has been linked to the deaths of at least 70 people and illnesses in thousands of farm workers. In 1991, the Environmental Protection Agency banned the use of ethyl parathion on nine crops in the United States. Cheminova still manufactures compounds containing ethyl parathion in the United States for sale abroad.

Methyl parathion is an agricultural pesticide that has found its way into urban areas with disastrous results. In 1996 an exterminator sprayed methyl parathion in houses and buildings in Pascagoula, Mississippi, causing the evacuation of dozens of families and homes and a $50 million federal cleanup. A similar incident led to the contamination of more than 200 homes in Ohio in 1994.

The third pesticide that Bradley won tariff exemptions for, malathion, can cause nausea, sweating, and muscular weakness in people even at low levels of exposure. In 1999, health authorities in New York City ordered the spraying of all five boroughs with malathion in an effort to wipe out disease-carrying mosquitoes. In 1998, a similar effort in Florida to eradicate Mediterranean fruit flies led to a class-action lawsuit by residents in the sprayed areas who complained of headaches and respiratory problems.

The duty suspension Bradley won for malathion in 1993 alone was worth $1.1 million annually. The tax break on all three pesticides was worth $2.5 million annually. . . .

In 1993, Bradley won Biocraft Laboratories of Fair Lawn, New Jersey, tariff suspensions for six chemicals. In the mid-1990s Biocraft was responsible for more than half the industrial air pollution in Bergen, New Jersey, releasing nearly 500,000 pounds of dichloromethane, a solvent that can be breathed in or absorbed through the skin, potentially causing cancer and liver and kidney damage. It was the fourth-biggest source of toxic emissions in the state. In 1994 the Food and Drug administration and the Justice Dept also forced Biocraft to recall nine major drugs and to stop making five drugs because the company failed to meet testing, quality-control, record-keeping, and manufacturing standards.

Bradley handed out pork to another New Jersey polluter, Merck & Company. In 1992 he won Merck tariff suspensions that are worth $10 million annually. In July 1991 New Jersey Citizen Action listed Merck among ten companies responsible for nearly half of the toxic waste dumped in New Jersey.

Also making the top ten polluter list was Givaudan Corporation, of Clifton, New Jersey, a subsidiary of Roche Holding, Ltd., the Swiss multinational. A month later, Bradley won Givaudan a tariff exemption for ethanon-1,2-naphthyl, a chemical used in making scents.

Bradley even won pork for Rhone-Poulenc, Inc., the U.S. subsidiary of the French pharmaceutical giant, which only a year earlier had leaked methyl isocyanate- the same gas responsible for the deaths of thousands in Bhopan, India, in 1984- from its plant in West Virginia. Rhone-Poulenc didn't report the leak for three days.

Rhone-Poulenc is also the world's only producer of aldicarb, which the Natural Resources Defense Council has called "the most acutely toxic pesticide registered for use on food." It is responsible for the largest case of food-borne pesticide poisoning in U.S. history: more than a thousand people fell ill in 1986 for aldicarb-tainted watermelons. Because of the health risks, eleven countries have banned or deregistered the pesticide, but the company still sells it in more than 70 countries.

In all, Bradley won at least $100 million worth of tariff suspensions for drug and chemical makers. Little wonder that the pharmaceutical industry rewarded its most valuable player on Capitol Hill with record amounts of campaign money. . . .

See also: Cecil Rhodes ; William Simon


 

Bob Dole & Elizabeth Dole - Famous for his erectile dysfunction, this presidential candidate and his also-wanna-be-president wife should both go down in history for their ethical dysfunction.

From What It Takes: The Way to the White House, by Richard Ben Cramer (copyright 1992):

Hollywooood!

"Agh! Hollywooood! ... Let's go! ... The big moneyyy!

~ ~ ~

Bob Dole had no fear of cameras - nor of the herd: he knew how to make news, and he was surely the only candidate to admit he would listen to the press. . . .

So, of course, he was offended when the press kept asking about his money - his income, taxes, net worth. . . . They were trying to make Dole admit ... he was rich!

Well, it was gonna be a cold day in hell - Dole had just got so he could talk about being poor!

And what did it matter, anyway, if Bob Dole, at age sixty-four, had a million dollars, or a couple of million? The point was not where people ended up - it was where they started.

If he had a few dollars now, well, uh, well ... he worked for it. He made it the hard way! He, he . . .

He married it.

But he wasn't going to say that.

In fact, he wasn't going to talk about that money.

In 1974, when he had to make his first disclosure, Dole's fortune was $30,000 in a cash account, in a bank in Russell. . . . That changed the next year, when he married Elizabeth Hanford. But that didn't mean Bob did anything with that money . . . or even knew much about it. In fact, Elizabeth didn't know much.

When she asked Dave Owen, Bob's money man, if he's help with her finances, she brought a shopping bag to the office. She was in a meeting when Owen picked it up: he was on his way out of town, and he took it with him, on and off airplanes for a few days. When he got a chance to poke through the bag, he was horrified to find bonds, bank statements, old receipts, savings certificates, check stubs, insurance policies, credit card reminders, stock certificates . . . everything jumbled in a heap that was worth . . . well, to put it simply, Elizabeth had two million in a shopping bag. She wanted Dave to take care of it.

So he did. Elizabeth signed over a power of attorney, and Owen became her personal investment adviser . . . until 1985, when the Doles (by that time, Senator and Secretary, the capital's pet power couple) set up Elizabeth's blind trust. The trustee was to be Mark McConaghy, Dole's old staffer on the Finance Committee who now worked for Price Waterhouse.

Of course, McConaghy was a policy wonk, not a businessman, so he brought in Dave Owen as investment adviser.

Anyway, Dole never seemed to notice that he lived like a millionaire: cars waiting, airplanes, staff. It seemed to him an extension of his Senate stature. He wasn't rich - he just had work to do! As for money . . . well, Dole didn't think about the money. He had nothing to do with that money!

Alas, he did, of course.

And what was worse: after Bush started pointing out that Dole was rich, the newspaper in Hutchinson, Kansas ... suddenly found itself in possession of a stack of information about investments made and contributions passed along by Dole's friend, Dave Owen.

So The Hutchinson News launched its own investigation, to suggest that Owen was making a dirty fortune ... wielding Dole's political influence ... to steer to Owen's favored political campaigns - and to the engorgement of the Elizabeth Hanford Dole Trust.

Phew!

Well, it was complicated - all of Owen's business was too complicated by half ... and by the time the Times went to work again, reporting the stuff reported by The Hutchinson News, it didn't just look intricate - it looked awful.

It looked - it smelled - to the pack on Dole's plane like ... bad fish!

So, in New Hampshire, Dole conducted a bang-up event in a packed pancake house . . . and, amid a standing ovation, Bob made for the door, where the press was waiting.

Senator! What's your net worth, jointly, with Elizabeth?

"Beats me."

WhatchurestimateSenatoryoumustknowabouthowmuchYOURNETWORTH?

Dole stopped and faced his accusers. "I'm the candidate," he said. "My net worth is very little. But I don't have any idea."

Are you a millionaire?

"Me? I doubt it. I own an apartment and a car, and I don't know how much money in the bank, but ... I guess very little."

Don't the voters deserve to know?

"They'll find out. They know. I publish it every year, so it's no secret."

Will you release your income tax returns?

"I don't know. I'm not going to let him set the timetable. . . ."

(He didn't have to say he was talking about Bush. It was Bush who demanded that Dole release his tax returns.) . . .

It went on for days, everywhere Dole stopped . . .

The Bush campaign was challenging Dole to release five years of his tax returns. . . .

As always, there were more complicated questions about Owen and his real estate deals, his banks, corporations, partnerships, loans from the Dole trust, sales of property to the Dole trust. . . .

Senator, were you aware that the Dole Trust had purchased the office building in Overland Park, which is listed as the address of the E.D.P. and Eagle partnerships, through which Dave Owen participated, with your former aide John Palmer, in supplying food service to the Army at Fort Leonard Wood?

Dole's Senate Press Secretary, Walt Riker, tried to calm the waters ten times a day, pointing out that Dole knew nothing about the deals for the trust: "You know, that's why they call it a blind trust."

From Kansas, Dave Owen issued blanket denials of wrongdoing - specific denials wherever he could get a hearing. He got the Kansas City Star to knock down one charge - that he'd formed shell corporations just to make contributions to campaigns - but that's because he knew the reporters in Kansas City. What about the other hundred and fifty newspapers, all trying to penetrate his business? . . .

Owen called to assure Dole's Big Guys that there was nothing to these stories, but the Big Guys were busy assuring the national big-feet ... that Owen never did much for Dole's campaign, he was just a hanger-on, despite his title of Finance Chairman . . .

Somehow ... Owen got the feeling he was being nudged off the back of the sleigh. . . . Bill Brock bestirred himself to call and suggest: "Dave, I think we've got a problem. I think this is just unfortunate, but, ahmm . . . maybe you need to cease doing anything for the campaign."

At that point, Owen had to talk to Dole . . . but he could never get through. True to form, Elizabeth called him instead. But Elizabeth just asked about Dave's family, and told him this would all work out . . .

That's when Owen got the message: he stopped trying to call Dole . . . and he scheduled a press conference to announce he was leaving the campaign. . . .

On the afternoon of Owen's auto-da-fé, Dole did conduct a quick interview with Angelia Herrin of the Wichita Eagle-Beacon. Angelia told Dole of Owen's announcement - he was stepping down from the campaign until these questions were resolved. . . .

"WHAT?" Dole barked. "No! No! . . . I want it resolved. I want it final. His role has ended!". . .

Angelia asked, gingerly:

"How do you feel?" . . .

"How would you feel?"

He'd asked Elizabeth, the minute she got into that deal with Owen. "What're we paying him for?" Owen was making a career out of the Doles! Doing deals! Guy's become a millionaire! . . . And too cute: you look in that trust, it's not IBM stock - you pick up a rock, you see worms underneath. . . ."

When they got to Dole's next stop, there were thirty more reporters who wanted to know: Would Owen's departure put an end to Dole's problem?

"I don't have any problem," Dole snapped.

"Maybe Dave Owen's got a problem. I don't."

~ ~ ~

Dole was correct about that.

From that day, Dave Owen would face three and a half years of investigation from the Office of Ethics, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the FBI (in service of a U.S. Attorney in Missouri), a committee of the U.S. House of Representatives, the Federal Election Commission, the Kansas Public Disclosure Commission, and the Kansas Attorney General.

Owen's legal fees would eat up several hundred thousand dollars, his business opportunities would shrivel, he'd be shunned by former friends, his daughters would be scorned, his wife wouldn't know if she should believe him, she would have to take a job as a secretary, Owen would spend his time playing golf - so he wouldn't stay in bed all day. He owned a gun, and he surprised himself by thinking of suicide . . . In the end, he would plead guilty to one Class C misdemeanor in the state election law - the moral equivalent of parking in front of a hydrant.

In the end, he would never hear another word from Bob Dole.

Dole was correct about his situation, too.

From the day that Bob Dole cut off Dave Owen, Dole would no longer have a problem. He handed out twenty years of tax returns ... and nobody cared. The story of his money all but disappeared.

In fact, from the moment Dave Owen was kicked off the sleigh, Dole was immediately and richly applauded. The big-feet, the smart guys, and everyone they talked to, approved. . . .

* * *

From The Money Men : . . . Hand-to-hand lobbying is all about access . . . And who better to worm their ways into official circles than people who had just been there or who were close to the people who still were? As an added bonus, these also were people who, for the most part, could serve as a credible public face for the interests they served. The top ten of Fortune's list was filled with recently departed leaders of Congress and of the political parties.

The number-one lobbying firm-- Verner, Liipfert, Bernhard, McPherson, and Hand-- acquired its marquee names over a relatively short stretch in the mid-1990s. They included two former Senate majority leaders, Bob Dole and George Mitchell, and a former treasury secretary, Lloyd Bentsen. . . .

* * *

From The Buying of the President (1996): . . . Bob Dole is, of course, the veteran presidential candidate. In his unsuccessful bid for the GOP nomination in 1988, he raised $20.8 million. Dole represents, revels in, and resists reform of the current campaign finance system. Very few political figures have raised more private money to run for public office since Watergate than Dole . . .

In the not-so-noble world of campaign finance ... Dole campaigns have solicited and accepted illegal contributions and have even seen one senior advisor hauled off to prison. The think tank Dole established in 1993 abruptly shut down amid a flurry of bad press regarding its secret contributions.

What most people don't know about Bob Dole is that from 1973, the middle year of the Watergate scandal, through 1994, he has raised at least $47,612,125 for his Senate and presidential campaigns and his leadership PAC. ... Between 1981 and 1993, when it was legal for senators to accept money for appearances, Dole received $1,326,771 in honoraria for speeches. . . .

Those interests that have given most heavily to the Kansas senator have reaped magnificent returns on their investments. . . .

As he rose to power and stature on Capitol Hill, Dole became an accomplished fundraiser. Throughout his political career, Dole, like Nixon, saw his campaigns for various national offices scrutinized by federal authorities, sometimes resulting in large fines for illegal contributions.

David Owen, the close friend of the Dole family who ran Dole's 1974 senatorial race and played key roles in Dole's 1980 and 1988 presidential bids, but later went to prison for tax fraud, observed, "He was obsessed by money and power. . . ."

Dole's 1980 presidential campaign was forced to refund more than $50,000 to various companies and to the Federal Election Commission for undocumented campaign disbursements. During that same campaign, the FEC filed a complaint against Dole's wife, Elizabeth Hanford, for loaning his campaign $50,000. The $50,000 loan had been requested by Owen's bank at below the prime rate. At the time, Owen was also chairman of the Dole for Senate Committee and Elizabeth Dole's financial adviser, later handling her blind trust. . . ."

During Dole's 1988 presidential campaign, allegations emerged that Owen, a former Kansas lieutenant governor and close Dole aide, had employees and executives of a Kansas company-- to which he served as a $3,000/month consultant and in which he held stock-- make $24,000 in contributions to Dole's 1986 Senate campaign. Employees reportedly were ordered to contribute and later got reimbursed by the firm, Birdview Satellite Communications (no connection to The Catbird Seat)....

Owen resigned from the 1988 campaign and told the Center for Public Integrity that Dole knew about the Birdview donations....

Owen landed in prison in 1994 as a result of an earlier situation similar to the Birdview episode. Owen's tax fraud conviction stemmed from two counts of filing false income tax returns. One count stated that Owen "disguised political contributions through his companies to the 1986 Kansas Governor Mike Hayden campaign as business expenses" and that these were improper deductions. Owen spent just over 7 months in Leavenworth Prison and maintains that Dole had tried to strong-arm him into raising the money for Hayden . . .

Still more problems plagued Dole's 1988 presidential bid when it was later learned that the campaign had accepted more than $350,000 in illegal contributions and in-kind contributions of trips and services from corporations, individuals and Dole's own leadership PAC, Campaign America. As a result, in 1993 the FEC fined Dole's presidential campaign and Campaign America $122,975, to that date the largest penalty levied against a campaign.

Despite the fact that the infamous break-in occurred during his chairmanship to the Republican party, he escaped being pinned with any responsibility for Watergate or the CREEP slush funds.

His common refrain regarding the break-in was, "Musta been my night off." . . .

~ ~ ~

By Dec 1975 ... he married Elizabeth Hanford, a talented Washington insider who was then a commissioner for the Federal Trade Commission. . . .

~ ~ ~

One legislative issue Dole has rarely championed is the reform of the political process. Because of his leadership role in Congress, good-government citizens' groups have viewed Dole as a major impediment to any serious effort at cleaning up Washington. According to Fred Wertheimer, who was head of Common Cause until his retirement in 1995, "The past decade, Bob Dole has been in the forefront to block every serious effort to reform the campaign finance system."

* * *

From The Buying of the President 2000: . . . Elizabeth Dole inherited many of her lucrative speaking engagements directly from Bob. . . . Senator Dole was no stranger to the speaking circuit. He collected $1.4 million in appearance fees for 1981 to 1991-- even though throughout that time Senate rules prevented him from accepting more than $2,000 per speech. In 1993 new rules went into effect that barred senators from keeping such fees. Elizabeth Dole picked up the slack, and began speaking to some of the same groups. From 1991 to 1994-- while her husband was still Senate Minority Leader-- she spoke to at least 16 high-paying organizations that had business pending before the government. . . .

Dole used her tenure as the president of the American Red Cross to boost her profile-- and fees-- as a speaker. Although she was president of the charity through the end of 1998, none of the money for the 29 speeches she made that year went to the American Red Cross. While Dole took large fees for her speeches, her predecessor rarely charged anything. "Most of the time, I didn't get remuneration," Richard Schubert, who was the president from 1983 to 1990, told the Center for Public Integrity. "If I did, it was in the form of a donation to the Red Cross."

Throughout the early 1990s, Dole tried to deflect criticism of her seemingly mercenary speaking habits by repeatedly promising to donate the money to charity. But of the $875,000 in speaking fees she earned from 1991 to 1994, only $405,513 went to charitable organizations. The rest went to cover her personal expenses, and to her substantial retirement fund. . . .

The proceeds from her speaking engagements in 1998 went into the Elizabeth Dole Charitable Foundation, about which her campaign would provide no information.

Of the $1,136,000 in speaking fees that Dole received in 1998, only $602,458 went to the Elizabeth Dole Charitable Foundation ... The rest of the money went to taxes and to another generous contribution to her retirement plan ... The Dole Foundation is a creation of a Cleveland-based accounting firm called Investment Advisors International, Inc., itself a subsidiary of the renowned celebrity agency International Management Group, which is best known for its representation of such sports superstars as Tiger Woods, Joe Montana, Wayne Gretzky, Andre Agassi, and Arnold Palmer. ... The Elizabeth Dole Charitable Foundation is controlled by Elizabeth Dole. In 1998 it gave away only $29,157 out of more than $1 million in assets, the minimum required by law to maintain its foundation status.

The Doles are no strangers to the kinds of services that IMG provides. In early 1997 the firm set up a for-profit operation, Bob Dole Enterprises, Inc., to capitalize on the Senator's name. Dole became a TV pitchman for everything from Visa check cards to Viagra . . .

Elizabeth Dole's connection with IMG suggests that she may have been less interested in moving into the White House than in further feathering her nest at the Watergate. (In the summer of 1990 the Doles purchased the place next door-- most recently occupied by Monica Lewinsky-- to expand their apartment.) As soon as Dole got out of the presidential race, IMG was poised to help her cash in on her heightened celebrity status and her campaign-financed mailing lists-- and, of course, to put her back on the road telling bedroom jokes for a million dollars a year.

~ ~ ~

On a crisp autumn morning in 1986, a well-coiffed Elizabeth Dole stood at the entrance of the parking garage of the U.S. Dept of Transportation. Alongside her stood an aide dressed as a crash-test dummy. With a small metal Stop sign in her gloved hand, she waved arriving Transportation Department employees for an inspection. Those who didn't have their seat belts buckled got a safety lecture for Dole and a handout from the dummy.

The Dole-and-dummy shtick was but one of hundreds of safety-related photo opportunities Elizabeth Dole staged during her four years as Transportation Secretary. After a formidable lobbying effort by her husband, President Reagan appointed Dole to the post in 1983. . . .

On at least one occasion, however, the Dole-and-dummy shtick crashed and burned-- literally. In Dec 1984, Dole invited a crowd of 600 reporters and industry executives to the California desert to promote a new airplane fuel that was designed to prevent deadly explosions during aviation mishaps. Dole and the other VIPs watched from a nearby rooftop as the FAA intentionally crashed a remote-controlled Boeing 720 carrying 75 crash-test dummies, 12 high-speed cameras, and 350 electronic sensors in the cabin.

After slamming into the Mojave Desert near Edwards Air Force Base in California, the old Boeing was engulfed in a fireball three times the height of the plane. The fire burned ferociously for another 19 minutes, until a radio call for help came from technicians closer to the crash site: "We're having some problems putting this fire out."

By the time the startled reporters turned to her for comment on the miserably failed test, Dole had vanished. ... Dole's office said later that she had another appointment that conflicted with the $11.8 million FAA demonstration. . . .

~ ~ ~

Elizabeth Dole has never lacked for money. She and her husband are worth at least $7 million, a large part of which is invested in the stocks of such blue-chip U.S. companies as Microsoft Corp and Walt Disney Company. She has always had considerable personal wealth independent of her husband's, especially after she received her family inheritance following her father's death in 1981. In spite of these advantages, her financial life has been peppered with questionable business dealings, several of them engineered by longtime friend David Owen.

Owen stepped into the center of Dole's life in 1974, when Bob's first Senate reelection campaign was faltering. ... (Owen) took over the Dole campaign and rustled up a narrow victory. Owen remained Dole's main fund-raiser throughout the 1980s, and he was the national finance co-chairman of Dole's 1988 presidential campaign. He once estimated that he had raised more than $10 million for the Senator.

Owen did far more than raise money. After joining the Reagan Cabinet, Dole put her money into a blind trust. In 1985, Owen was hired as the trust's investment advisor. He had power-- indeed, the responsibility-- to make investment decisions without apprising Dole of them. Owen's stewardship of the trust followed a familiar pattern for the Doles: time and time again, their personal fortune would either provide benefits to, or directly benefit from their political careers....

Early in 1986, Dole's blind trust, under the direction of Owen, paid $1,350,000 for a drab, two-story office building in Overland Park, Kansas ... Before the year was out she sold the building-- to herself and a partner-- for a $63,000 profit. Her partner in the purchase was a company owned by John Palmer, a former aide to Senator Dole. To facilitate the transaction, the Dole trust had loaned Palmer part of the money. With the Senator's help, Palmer received a no-bid contract to provide $26 million worth of food service at a U.S. Army base in nearby Missouri. (The chairman of the House Small Business Committee later branded the contract "replete with appearances of improper activities.")

Of course, such sweetheart deals have added to Dole's considerable wealth. Like many of the well-to-do, she's been willing to shield some of the investment income she's received by taking advantage of tax loopholes. In 1983 she invested in a tax shelter called Altenn Associates Limited Partnership. ... Altenn was set up to lose money for 15 years, thereby enabling its 49 limited partners to reap far more in tax breaks than the investment they risked.

The Doles, for example, received more than $300,000 in tax write-offs over 5 years, for an investment of $14,651 in cash and $156,780 in the form of a note. . . .

~ ~ ~

Dole's tenure as the president of the American Red Cross echoed her performance at the Transportation and Labor departments. She remained uninvolved in the day-to-day operations of the $1.9 billion-a-year charitable organization, and attempted to manage a staff of 31,000 primarily through pronouncements to the press. . . .

Dole's final act in her $185,000-a-year job was her most transparent use of the charity for her own political ends. She gave herself the starring role in "The American Red Cross Celebrates Real Life Miracles," a nationally televised Christmas Eve extravaganza produced by Dole's media adviser and paid for by the Red Cross. ... An estimated 3.6 million viewers watched the show, which urged viewers to call and donate to the Red Cross via a toll-free telephone number. The show raised $25,000 in pledges-- at a production cost of $1.3 million.

~ ~ ~

Dole raised only $3.5 million through the first half of 1999. Her husband's prestigious Washington law (and lobbying) firm, Verner, Liipfert, Bernhard, McPherson, and Hand, is the top patron of her current campaign . . .

* * *

For more on the Dole's connections to Kamehameha Schools, GO TO > > > Dirty Money, Dirty Politics, and Bishop Estate !


 

Bob Miller - Ex-Governor of Nevada; Director, Zenith National Insurance Corp.

From The Conspirators: Secrets of an Iran-Contra Insider, by Al Martin:

U.S. GOVERNMENT NARCOTICS TRAFFICKING (Part II)

Another interesting Iran-Contra/CIA narcotics trafficking connection ... was the trafficking points in Nevada and Arizona. . . .

In the Nevada connection, Governor Miller was dogged with allegations for years about Iran-Contra profiteering.

Eventually, it got to the point that Miller decided not to run again for Governor of Nevada.

An interesting connection into all this is that Nevada is a place similar to Florida - but on a smaller scale. It's a place where government-sponsored cocaine trafficking and government-sponsored fraud meet because of Nevada corporation laws.

It's where a lot of shell corporations were formed. In order to do this, George Bush had to have control of the Nevada Secretary of State's office. . . .

Before becoming governor of the state, Miller was the Secretary of State of Nevada. He was dogged with allegations about missing corporate documents when Congress tried to subpoena them.

When Miller moved into the Governorship, look who becomes the new Secretary of State of Nevada.

The infamous, sinister, dreaded Frankie Sue DelPapa, a longtime minion of George Bush. One of George's personal secretaries in the past, DelPapa, who was considering running for Governor, was then forced to withdraw from the race under renewed allegations of Iran-Contra involvement vis-a-vis certain fraudulent entities in Nevada - the substitution of corporations.

She personally substituted corporate records and actually substituted officers, principals and directors in the Hellenic Seafood case and the Cosmos Investment Group case.

The fraud was egregious. The problem is that it was regarded as a regional issue. Some of the alternative papers like the Contact newspaper did an extensive expose' of this and documented how Miller linked to DelPapa, and DelPapa's linked to the Republican National Committee and to George Bush.

Also there were the underlying links of the corporations in question to George, Jr., Jeb, and Neil. They did a wonderful expose' of it.

But nobody in the mainstream media would pick it up, since it was considered as a minor regional issue within the greater Iran-Contra picture....

See also: John Waihee


 

Boris Yeltsin - From Betrayal : . . .When President Clinton met with Russian President Boris Yeltsin on March 13, 1996, both leaders were up for reelection.

Regarding Russia's elections, Clinton said, "First of all I want to make sure that everything the United States does will have a positive impact, and nothing should have a negative impact. The United States will work with Russia to assure this."

Yeltsin replied that a leader of global stature like President Clinton should "support Russia, and that means supporting Yeltsin." The two nations' officials should think about how "to do this wisely," the Russian said.

Clinton told him Secretary of State Warren Christopher and Russian Foreign Minister (and former spy chief) Yevgeni Primakov would talk about that.

"The main thing is that the two sides should not do anything that would harm the other. Things could come up between now and elections in Russia or the United States which could cause conflicts," Clinton said.

The president then raised one particular issue: Russia's refusal to allow imports of American chicken because of worries the poultry contained unacceptable amounts of bacteria. Clinton said perhaps the commission headed by Vice President Al Gore and Russian Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin could resolve such issues.

"This is a big issue, especially since about 40 percent of U.S. poultry is produced in Arkansas," Clinton said, dropping the not-so-subtle hint that U.S. backing for the Russian president was linked to resolving the dispute, which involved his longtime political supporter Don Tyson, head of the huge Arkansas poultry producer Tyson Foods, Inc....

"Use direct channels," Yeltsin interrupted. He then said the main thing was that U.S. inspectors had confirmed that there were violations but "now we are back in business."

Within a week after the meeting in Egypt, the Gore-Chernomyrdin commission issued a statement announcing that the poultry dispute had been settled.

The 1996 encounter between the two leaders was revealed in a classified document called a "memorandum of conversation" obtained by the author. It captured the essence of the political subtlety of Bill Clinton.

It also showed the lengths the president would go to satisfy crass political debts, and how cavalierly he would play politics with national security.

The private conversation between Yeltsin and Clinton also captured the essence of how the Clinton administration adopted a Yeltsin-above-all policy toward Russia.

That policy, formulated and pushed by Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott, Clinton's one-time college roommate, would have disastrous consequences when it came to trying to stem the flow of Russian missile technology to Iran. . . .


 

Brent Scowcroft - From . . .and the truth shall set you free, by David Icke: The Hidden Hand. . . .

The Tower Commission was appointed to investigate the Iran-Contra affair, chaired by Texas Senator, John Tower. This is the same John Tower who, according to CIA man Gunthar Russbacher, was on the plane with Bush when he flew to Paris for the October Surprise meeting with the Iranians! The John Tower who knew the real story of Lee Harvey Oswald.

Also on the Tower Commission was Brent Scowcroft, a Kissinger 'yes man' and an executive of Kissinger Associates; and Ed Muskie, another do-as-you're told politician who could be twisted to suppress the truth. Muskie was himself implicated in both the October Surprise and Iran-Contra.

As you can see, the Commission was thoroughly independent. It cleared George Bush of all blame and involvement. When Bush became president, he made John Tower his secretary of defense. Tower was asked if this appointment was a pay-off from Bush. His response?

"As the Commission was made up of three people, Brent Scowcroft and Ed Muskie, in addition to myself, that would be sort of impugning the integrity of Brent Scowcroft and Ed Muskie ... We found nothing to implicate the Vice President ... I wonder what kind of pay-off they're going to get?"

I can tell him. Bush appointed Brent Scowcroft as his National Security Advisor. The Senate refused to accept Tower's appointment and he began to speak of the injustice he believed had been done to him. He died in a plane crash on April 5th, 1991.

When the Senate turned down Tower, a decision Bush probably engineered, he selected Dick Cheney as defense secretary. Cheney was the senior Republican member of another committee which cleared Bush of involvement in Iran-Contra, the House Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Transactions with Iran... .

A group of other people, including former defense secretary, Caspar Weinberger, were given a pardon by Bush for their involvement in Iran-Contra. This came on Christmas Eve 1992, a matter of weeks before they were due to face a trial which would have implicated Bush. In January, 1993, he then passed over the presidency to Bill Clinton who continued the cover-up because ... he was involved too!...

The Washington Post and the rest of the mainstream media which had turned a comparatively minor break-in at the Watergate building into a scandal that dethroned Richard Nixon, kept their heads down as the United States government sold arms to terrorists in exchange for drugs for American children. It is actually possible to coordinate a drug running and arms running operation from the White House and get away with it.

Unbelievable, maybe, but true all the same. . . .

See also: Dan Inouye ; Dean O'Hare ; Dick Cheney ; Henry Kissinger


 

Burton Wallace Kanter - From The Cheating of America: How Tax Avoidance and Evasion by the Super Rich Are Costing the Country Billions, by Charles Lewis and Bill Allison:

HAVEN'S GATE

Burton Wallace Kanter was a pioneer in the world of offshore companies and banks. Unlike his modern counterparts, with their Web sites and flashy advertisements .... Kanter never advertised his services. He was discreet - a trait that his clients no doubt appreciated. And he was wildly successful.

From its founding in 1964, Castle Trust Ltd. was a shady affair. Bahamian law required a corporation to have five directors; Castle's original board included two fictitious people ... Throughout the course of its 14-year existence, Castle Bank was primarily a vehicle for tax avoidance and evasion.

A complete list of those who made use of the bank's secret accounts was never revealed, but some of those identified as having deposits there included some of the blue chip names in American commerce. Members of the Pritzker family, owners of the Hyatt Hotel chain and Royal Caribbean Cruise Lines, Ltd, had accounts there, as did Hugh Hefner, of Playboy fame, who was involved in casino deals with the Pritzkers.

Tony Curtis, the actor, had an account.

Henry Ford II, his wife, Christina, and several top Ford Motor Company executives, including Lee A. Iacoccca, used the bank to hold their shares of a land development project on what was then the sleepy Caribbean island of St. Martin. . . .

Castle Bank came to the attention of the IRS in 1972, when federal narcotics agents working in California requested information on the institution. They had arrested one Allan George Palmer after watching him unload 900 pounds of marijuana from a plane. Palmer had cashed three checks for $22,500 that had been drawn from commercial accounts that Castle Bank maintained at the American National Bank and Trust Company of Chicago.

IRS officials found that the signature cards for Castle Bank listed nine names, including its president, A. Goodling, the fictious A. Alipranti, Florida attorney Paul Helliwell, and Burton Kanter.

IRS agents interviewed Kanter, who claimed to know almost nothing about the affairs of Castle Bank. Later investigation would prove that he lied about the extent of his knowledge, yet he never suffered any consequences for misleading federal investigators or for operating what the IRS came to believe was a money-laundering scheme and a tax-evasion scheme. . . .

Kanter has always liked to blend business with tax avoidance. In the 1970s, for example, he became part of a massive kickback scheme with two executives from the Prudential Insurance Company, Claude Ballard and Robert Lisle.

Ballard and Lisle managed Prudential's real estate investments, and could choose companies that the insurer hired. Ballard was senior vice of equities; Lisle was president of PIC Realty Corporation, Prudential's real estate subsidiary. Their company controlled upward of $20 billion worth of properties across the United States, and Ballard and Lisle decided who developed and managed those assets. As a result, an introduction to the two could be worth millions of dollars to business.

Kanter met them sometime in the late sixties or early seventies, when the Hyatt Corporation was involved in negotiations with Prudential over the management of the hotel. The three concocted a scheme to get kickbacks from contractors and management companies in exchange for the lucrative Prudential business. Kanter found some of the willing participants in the scheme and hid the payments using yet another elaborate series of companies and trusts. In exchange for his services, he got 10 percent of the kickbacks. Ballard and Lisle split the rest evenly.

Kanter turned to some of his old clients for business. The Hyatt Corporation, owned by the Pritzker family, got Prudential business. So did Bruce Frey, who ran BJF Development, Incorporated, a large real estate developer based in Illinois. (In 1993, Frey and Kantger tried to buy the Miami Dolphins.) The other participants in the kickback scheme were John Eulich, whom Kanter met through Abraham Pritzker sometime in the late sixties or early seventies. William Schaffel, who ran W.D. Schaffel & Company, a New York real estate developer and mortgage broker; J.D. Weaver, who managed Hyatt properties; and Kenneth Schnitzer, a Houston-based real estate developer.

The five individuals and their companies earned millions of dollars' worth of contracts, thanks to their connections to Ballard, Lisle, and Kanter. In return, over a period starting sometime in the 1970s and lasting until 1989, they paid $13 million to four companies controlled by Kanter - Investment Research Associates and its subsidiaries, KWJ Company, Zeus Ventures, and The Holding Company.

Lisle left Prudential for Travelers Insurance Company in 1982, where he did virtually the same type of work. He also continued to participate in the kickback scheme until his retirement in 1988. He died on September 17, 1993.

The IRS ... discovered the scheme. Agents audited Investment Research Associates' 1987 tax returns . . .

Agents spent years unraveling the scheme, covering office walls with ad hoc flow charts showing the participants, the transactions, bank deposits, loans back and forth between related parties, and the other minutiae of the scheme. The Service issued more than 28 Notices of Deficiency to Lisle and his estate, as well as to Ballard, Kanter, and the companies Kanter used to hide the kickbacks. . . .

The case went to trial on June 14, 1994, before Special Trial Judge Iring D. Couvillion. There were nearly five weeks of testimony, producing a transcript of more than 5,400 pages. The briefs ran to more than 4,600 pages, and the exhibits totaled hundreds of thousands of pages. Couvillion then weighed the evidence.

For five years.

On December 15, 1999, he issued his ruling - adding another 606 pages to the case file. . . .

He went into great detail about various projects for which "the Five" - the companies to which Lisle and Ballard steered business - won contracts. He wrote at length on the alleged kickbacks they paid to the three conspirators . . . .

He described the evidence presented on the complicated scheme to cover up the payments. . . . "As a result of the intended confusion created by similar names, Kanter could substitute on entity for another," he wrote. . . .

Kanter disputed the judge's ruling. . . .

As of this writing, Couvillion had yet to determine Kanter's tax liability. Whatever the amount, if Kanter agrees to pay it, it will represent one of the few times in his life he's written a big check to the Treasury.

Kanter, who helped his well-heeled clients avoid their income taxes, is a master of avoiding his own.

He paid nothing from 1979 to 1990. . . .


 

Carla A. Hills - Chairman and CEO of Hills & Company, International Consultants. The firm provides advice to U.S. businesses on investment, trade, and risk assessment issues abroad, particularly in emerging market economies.

Hills currently serves as a Member of the Board of Directors for American International Group, Chevron, Lucent Technologies Inc., and Time Warner. She is a Co-Chair of the International Advisory board of the Center for Strategic and International Studies; a Vice Chair of the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations and U.S. China Business Council; a Member of the Board of Trustees of the Asia Society, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Institute for International Economics, and the America-China Society; and a Member of the Trilateral Commission and the Inter-American Dialogue.

Hills served as United States Trade Representative from 1989-1993. As a member of President Bush's Cabinet, Hills was the President's principal advisor on international trade policy. She was also the nation's chief trade negotiator, representing American interests in multilateral and bilateral trade negotiations throughout the world.

Hills was chairman of the Urban Institute from 1983 through 1988, and was a member of the Executive Committee of the American Agenda, co-chaired by Presidents Ford and Carter. In 1981-1982, she served as Vice-Chairman of President Reagan's Commission on Housing and in 1985-1986 as a member of the President's Commission on Defense Management. Hills has been active in the American Bar Association, serving as Chairman of the Antitrust Section 1982-1983, and as Chairman of the Conference of Section Chairmen in 1983-1984.

From 1974 to 1975, she was Assistant Attorney General, Civil Division, United States Department of Justice.

In 1975, Carla Hills, already serving as an assistant attorney general, was named by Republican President Gerald Ford as Secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, becoming the third woman in the US to hold a cabinet-level position. Her lack of relevant experience was somewhat controversial during the appointment hearings. She was succeeded, when Democratic President Jimmy Carter took office, by Patricia Robert Harris, in 1977.

In 1989, President George Bush appointed her to another cabinet level position, this time as US Trade Representative. (At the same time, Bush appointed Elizabeth Dole, the former Secretary of Transportation, as Secretary of Labor.)

A free trade advocate, Hills was the primary US negotiator of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).

She was first offered an appointment as assistant US Attorney by Elliot L. Richardson in 1973, but he resigned shortly thereafter during the Watergate scandal. The offer was renewed by his successor, William B. Saxbe, in 1974.

From 1978 through 1989 she was active again in her profession of law; after 1993 she has worked as a consultant and public speaker. She was one of the founders of the Forum for International Policy.

Hills co-founded the Los Angeles law firm of Munger, Tolles & Hills, where she was a partner from 1962-1974. She was an Adjunct Professor at the University of California at Los Angeles Law School, teaching antitrust law, and co-authored the Antitrust Adviser, which was published by McGraw-Hill.

For more, GO TO > > >: The Bureau of Indian Affairs; The Nature Conservancy; The Peregrine Gallery


 

Cecil Rhodes - From . . . and the truth shall set you free, by David Icke: From Rhodes to Ruin.

THE ROUND TABLE

Cecil Rhodes was a fabulously wealthy Englishman who exploited the continent and peoples of Africa, a particularly the diamond reserves of South Africa. The name Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, is an indication of his influence in that part of the world.

As a student at Oxford University, Rhodes was inspired by a fine arts professor called John Ruskin . . . Ruskin was born in London in 1819, the son of a wealthy wine merchant . . . Ruskin was a believer in the New World Order agenda of centralised power, and he felt the State should control the means of production and distribution. This was the same philosophy followed by the early British Labour party before it became the alternative Conservative Party it is today.

Ruskin, however, went further and believed the control of the State could be in the hands of one dictator of superior intellect to the rest of society. . . . His ideas were to be followed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels ... and became the foundations of the Marxist form of communism which was soon to grip the nations of Eastern Europe. . . .

The views of John Ruskin and his articulate promotion of them brought about a revolution in the thinking of the privileged undergraduates of Oxford ... Rhodes copied Ruskin's inaugural lecture in longhand and kept it with him for the rest of his life. The creation of a world government centered on Britain became Rhodes's obsession and lay at the heart of almost everything he did.

As his wealth grew with his exploitation of South African diamonds and minerals, he established companies like DeBeers Consolidated Mines and Consolidated Gold Fields. He also became the Prime Minister of the Cape Colony and used his wealth and influence to control parliamentary seats in Britain and South Africa. . . .

Rhodes is claimed to have been a member of an elite group known as the Committee of 300, also known as the Olympians. This organisation was the subject of a book by Dr. John Coleman called Conspirators Hierarchy: The Story of the Committee of 300. . . . This organisation consists of leading people in politics, commerce, banking, the media, the military etc, who are working toward the goal of total global power.

Rhodes's idea was to set up a secret society which would manipulate events in a way that would lead to the introduction of centralised global control. This society is known by several names but, for simplicity, I will call it ... The Round Table. . . .

There was an inner circle, the Society of the Elect ... who knew exactly what the game and the aim was, and an outer Circle of Friends, made up of influential people who could help the cause, but who didn't always know the full implications or ambitions of the Round Table. The Table's manipulators were mostly those with the real power rather than the appearance of power. Its members were usually not recorded in history like the famous politicians and military leaders, but they controlled events far more that those documented by the history books. . . .

When Rhodes died in 1902, he bequeathed his funds to the cause. These continued to support the Round Table to an extent, although much of the funding came from the House of Rothschild. In his will, Rhodes also created a system of subsidised scholarships which continue to this day. This was, in part, a front to hide the secret society. Selected overseas students are brought to Oxford University to be taught the British view of life and to be sold the idea of a world government.

It is remarkable how many 'Rhodes Scholars', as they are called, go on to become leaders of countries or heads of intelligence agencies, education, and other subject areas important to the Elite, or 'advisors' to those leaders. The most famous Rhodes Scholar in the world today is Bill Clinton, who was inaugurated as President of the United States in 1993. . . .


 

Charles Keating - From tripod.com, by Ron Bell (9/11/92)

Charles Keating and the S&L Crisis

Charles Keating, the godfather of the S&L scandal, now sits behind bars, perhaps for the rest of his life. He has been assessed fines exceeding 3.6 billion dollars in just one civil action. Federal prosecution has not yet begun. Yet after several books and tens of thousands of column inches of newsprint, the major features of the Keating story remain, until now, untold. For example, General John Singlaub and the CIA's Latin American military campaigns, Carl Lindner's purchase of UNITED BRANDS and the U.S. Honduran aid program, extensive BCCI transactions, PRUDENTIAL INSURANCE, and Keating's attempt to get a strangle hold on the water supply of Arizona are key essential features of Keating's story that have not had national exposure.

An army of federal regulators, prosecutors, attorneys and judges have combed the affairs of Charles Keating. So why haven't the major features of his operations come to light? Having a brother who was vice president of ASSOCIATED PRESS helped keep items off the wire service.

The ownership of Phoenix's two city newspapers helped even more. The ARIZONA REPUBLIC and the PHOENIX GAZETTE are owned by the Dan Quayle family. The Vice President's involvement in the affairs of CIA Latin American programs provided plenty of incentive for Phoenix newspapers to keep the Keating affair as quiet as possible. And Carl Lindner, a much bigger fish than Charles Keating in these affairs, holds the largest stock interest in KTSP TV, the CBS television affiliate in Phoenix.

Keating is a man who has done favors for many powerful individuals including Presidents Ford, Reagan and Bush. Steven Pizzo, author of INSIDE JOB, one of the best books on S&L looting, supplied Barbara Honegger, author of OCTOBER SURPRISE, a Defense Intelligence Agency telex indicating that the alleged OCTOBER SURPRISE airplane for William Casey's and Heinrich Rupp's Paris trip was arranged by Kenneth Qualls, formerly the chief pilot of Charlie Keating's AMERICAN CONTINENTAL CORPORATION. This and other high level CIA favors may suggest even more sinister reasons why the major features of the Keating story never made it to print. . . .

Savings and Loans were originally chartered to provide home mortgage loans. When Ronald Reagan deregulated the industry, high rollers were free to attempt more ambitious projects with the federally insured deposits. No one was more ambitious than Charlie Keating and no one lost more of the tax payer's money.

To date taxpayers have been assessed $500 billion for the S&L looting - $2 1/2 billion for Charlie's sins alone. After providing less than a dozen home loans, Keating set out to build THE PHOENICIAN, a $300 million luxury resort hotel financed 55% by his newly acquired S&L, LINCOLN SAVINGS, and 45% by the King and Queen of Kuwait.

November of 1989, six months after Keating's parent company AMERICAN CONTINENTAL finally hit the skids, the Feds took over the PHOENICIAN RESORT in a surprise 1:00 AM raid. At 4:00 AM Keating was summoning bellmen to a side entrance where 24 cartons of files were loaded into Keating's recreational vehicle. When asked about this by a member of the local press the Feds responded that they knew of this and Keating was allowed to take these files because "they were his personal correspondence --- like letters to his family." The federal investigation of Keating was totally compromised from beginning to end.

If the Feds had done even the most elemental examination of the business affairs of Charles Keating, this is what they would certainly have found: On November 26, 1980, just two weeks after the election of Ronald Reagan and George Bush, Keating purchased the property located at 2735 East Camelback Road for his AMERICAN CONTINENTAL CORPORATION Headquarters. For this he paid $3,083,000 to the <NAME OMITTED PER DEMAND BY HIS ATTORNEY> DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION. During the period from 1980 to 1984, Maricopa county court records show that sixty civil suits were filed against Peloquin.

And <NAME OMITTED> has a famous father, Robert Peloquin, who has an even more questionable past.

After serving on Robert Kennedy's Strike Force On Organized Crime, Robert Peloquin and half the other attorneys there, distinguished themselves by going directly to work for the major organized crime figures they were investigating.

Peloquin Sr. set up the private spy company, INTERTEL, reportedly for the king pin of American organized crime, Meyer Lansky. After Lansky had failed to introduce legalized gambling into Atlantic City, INTERTEL was formed to "police the gambling industry" to make gambling acceptable to the state of New Jersey. It is a matter of record that Robert Peloquin ran the PARADISE ISLAND CASINO in the Bahamas for Lansky. This is interesting since Keating had his mansion base also in the Bahamas.

It was INTERTEL that was responsible for the security of Howard Hughes the last two questionable years of his life. Nixon's Domestic Affairs Advisor, Charles Colson once stated that it was difficult to tell "where the HUGHES CORPORATION ended and the CIA began".

The parent company of INTERTEL is RESORTS INTERNATIONAL whose original name was MARY CARTER PAINT COMPANY. MARY CARTER PAINT was reported in a significant May 20, 1976 article by Howard Kohn in ROLLING STONE to have been founded by Allen Dulles, the Director of CIA under Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy.

In the book, THE COMPANY THAT BOUGHT THE BOARDWALK, INTERTEL was described as a merger of former FBI, CIA, Customs, Bureau of Tobacco and Firearms, IRS and other federal agents with organized crime. This book describes in some detail how Robert Peloquin headed the first Justice Department STRIKE FORCE ON ORGANIZED CRIME, then retired to go directly to work for those Justice was investigating.

<NAME OMITTED> purchased what would soon become the AMERICAN CONTINENTAL Headquarters property April 2, 1979, from James E. Patrick II and Herman Chanen for $550,000. The sale to Keating represented a bump of $2.5 million in only 8 months! What is more, Patrick II and Chanen are not stupid when it comes to real estate. Patrick II is the son of James Patrick, who at this time was President of VALLEY NATIONAL BANK, Arizona's largest bank. Herman Chanen owns the largest construction company in Phoenix and at sale time was Chairman of the State Board of Regents which oversees all state universities.

These men represented the very pinnacle of the Phoenix business establishment. Soon after the Keating deal, James Patrick Sr. retired to become president of ROYAL PETROLEUM in Kuwait, a country closely connected to Charlie's business affairs.

September 19, 1985, Keating received a $5 million loan on this property from PRUDENTIAL INSURANCE COMPANY, a bump of another $2 million. This was a one payment note that was due in total October 1, 1990. The note was secured with nothing more that the property which had been purchased for $3,083,000. When Keating filed Chapter 11 in April of 1989 this $5 million was added to the rest of the money that just evaporated.

Why were these big business interests coming forward to set Charlie up in business? PRUDENTIAL is a big player in this.

Not only was George Bush's father, Prescott Bush, on the board of Directors of PRUDENTIAL but Ronald Reagan was one of the largest stockholders.

It was PRUDENTIAL that owned the land upon which Herman Chanin built the lavish shopping center, BILTMORE FASHION SQUARE, which is located just across the street from Keating's Headquarters. . . .

For more, GO TO > > > Vultures in The Meadows


 

Charles M. Harmon , Jr. - Sometime in 1996, Hawaii's wealthy charitable trust, Bishop Estate, loaned approximately $1 million to Charles Harmon, Jr., an investment banker and former general partner of Goldman, Sachs & Co.

The 08/12/96 issue of Pacific Business News reported that Bishop Estate had "quietly purchased the majority interest of a Connecticut specialized advisory business that manages almost $1 billion in assets." . . .

Royal Hawaiian Shopping Center, Inc., a for-profit subsidiary of Bishop Estate, is a co-investor in the purchase of Bigler Investment Management, a Farmington, Conn., firm that manages fund-of-fund accounts. . . .

The purchasing entity, called The Crossroads Group, is expected to take on a much more aggressive money-management outlook. . . . other investors in The Crossroads Group are parties that have had 'long relationships' with Royal Hawaiian...

Massachusetts equity analyst Steven P. Galante said his own research found Bishop Estate purchased about a 60 percent stake in The Crossroads Group. The management team and others own the remaining interest....

According to Galante . . . principals of The Crossroads Group are: Charles M. Harmon, Jr., an investment banker and former general partner at Goldman, Sachs & Co. in New York; Larry I. Landry, chief investment officer of John D. & Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation in Chicago; and Brad Heppner, a consultant at Bain & Co. in Dallas and former director of private investments at the MacArthur Foundation.

All have prior experience with Bishop Estate. In 1993, the MacArthur Foundation, along with Duke University's endowment fund, backed the formation of a Boston merchant bank called Orion Capital Partners LP. . . . Harmon is familiar with Bishop Estate because the Hawaii trust owns 10 percent of Goldman Sachs....


 

Charles Rossotti - IRS CHIEF ON THE TAKE?

CHARLES ROSSOTTI GETS KICKBACKS

By: Uri Dowbenko

The multi-millionaire IRS Commissioner Charles Rossotti acts as if the usual rules don't apply to him. And actually he's right. They don't.

In a glaring conflict of interest, Charles Rossotti, Commissioner of the US Internal Revenue Service and former Chairman of American Management Systems Inc. (AMS), has retained between $16 million and $80 million of AMS stock.

It's the ultimate insider's deal. In essence, Rossotti gets a kickback every time AMS, a computer data-processing company based in Fairfax, Virginia, gets a new government contract.

Rossotti's ownership of AMS stock was revealed in financial disclosure forms filed in May 2000.

In 1998, the New York Times reported that Rossotti was the largest individual shareholder in AMS, a company that had revenues of $1.28 billion in 2000.

Unlike Vice President Dick Cheney who sold his Halliburton Corp. stock and Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill who sold $100 million worth of his Alcoa Corp. stock, Rossotti refuses to divest.

In fact, Rossotti flaunts his conflict of interest and ethically challenged behavior.

Appointed by President Clinton in 1997, Rossotti's brazen ethics-be-damned position is buttressed by the fact that later he received an executive waiver of conflict of interest rules from the Clinton Administration.

According to Insight Magazine ("IRS Boss Snagged Clinton Waiver" by John Berlau, April 30, 2001), Rossotti got a waiver from Stuart Eizenstat, Clinton's deputy Treasury Secretary. This last minute waiver allows Rossotti to participate in decisions regarding AMS contracts with the IRS. In essence, Rossotti can continue to ensure that AMS interests - and his own - continue to be served by new as well as ongoing government contracts.

Incidentally AMS is supposed to be paid more than $17 million by the IRS this year for "add-ons" to existing contracts for internal software systems -- the so-called Custodial Accounting Project (CAP).

IRS continues to give AMS these add-on contracts without taking new bids from any AMS competitors.

This egregious corporate-government fraud by IRS Commissioner Charles Rossotti is unprecedented in recent history.

AMS: Corporate Insiders at the Government Trough

Founded by Charles Rossotti in 1970, AMS has leveraged its insider contacts and government contracts into a $1.28 billion global business with clients that include more than 43 state governments and federal agencies.

From 1965 to 1969, Rossotti himself was one of the so-called "Whiz Kids" of Defense Department Secretary (and unindicted war criminal) Robert McNamara, whose legacy remains the failed policy to prosecute the bogus Vietnam War. . . .

Rossotti worked in the Office of Systems Analysis within the Office of the Secretary of Defense. The Office's claim to fame was inventing the use of "body counts" (dead "enemy" soldiers) as a gauge of "success" during the infamous war. McNamara received an MBA from Harvard Business School in 1939, and Rossotti got his MBA from Harvard in 1964.

Headquartered in Fairfax, Virginia, AMS has approximately 8,750 employees in 512 offices worldwide. According to the AMS website, its clients include the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), General Services Administration (GSA), the Army Reserve, State Department, Treasury Department and the Department of Defense.

By the way, at Donald Rumsfeld's confirmation hearing, Senator Robert Byrd (D-WV) said, "I seriously question an increase in the Pentagon budget in the face of the Department's recent Inspector General's report.

How can we seriously consider a $50 billion increase in the Defense Department budget when DoD's own auditors say the Department cannot account for $2.3 trillion transactions in one year alone?"

Rossotti's IRS Shakedowns: Political Enemies Audited

The long-standing tradition of failing upward has finally landed Rossotti in the office of Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service.

According to his website bio, Charles Rossotti "assumed his duties as Commissioner on November 13, 1997, pledging to turn the IRS into an organization that will consistently provide first-class service to the American public."

This stance belies the ugly reality of the IRS and its ongoing shakedowns of perceived political enemies. Its well-known tactics of fear and intimidation have been increasing steadily, marking the IRS as a reasonable facsimile of Soviet thuggery and/or banana republic corruption.

Since Rossotti assumed office, many political enemies of the administration have suffered IRS audits. These audits can only be construed as politically motivated de facto harassment.

A partial list of those targeted by Rossotti and his allegedly "kinder gentler" IRS include:

> Joseph Farah and The Western Journalism Center

> Juanita Broaddrick, who publicly accused Clinton of raping her while he was Arkansas attorney general

> National Center for Public Policy, a group critical of Clinton's environmental policies

> Bill O'Reilly of Fox News' The O'Reilly Factor

> Citizens Against Government Waste.

> Catherine Austin Fitts, former FHA Commissioner under Jack Kemp and President of Hamilton Securities, a company which ironically saved HUD $2.2 billion through its innovative loan sales/auction. . . .

Rossotti's AMS and the "Missing" $59 Billion at HUD

One of the most outrageous breaches of public trust (or in-your-face fraud) has been the Department of Housing and Urban Development's (HUD) "loss" of $59 billion in Fiscal Year (FY) 1999 and $17 billion in FY 1998.

According to the Government Accounting Office (GAO), the company responsible for the HUD software system called HUDCAPS was Rossotti's company, AMS, as well as a company called Advance Technology Systems (ATS).

Despite the poor performance, HUD continued to pay on its contract to AMS, even though the system didn't work and $59 billion was "missing."

The HUD Audit Debacle was then blamed on the agency's financial reporting systems, i.e. accounting software. In fact in her statement to Congress, HUD Inspector General Susan Gaffney reported that she could not validate an audit of the books. In other words, there has been no audit of HUD financial statements for 1999.

And $59 billion is still "missing."...

* * *

For more, GO TO > > > HUD ; Nests in the Pentagon


 

Charlie Trie - Nov, 1994: President Clinton travels to Indonesia with a U.S. delegation including Webb Hubbell and Bruce Lindsey. They meet twice with Mochtar and James Riady. The Asian-Pacific Economic Council (APEC) Conference is hosted in Jakarta by President Suharto. In attendance is Pauline Kanchanalak, Gene and Nora Lum, and Charlie Trie. The number one priority for Commerce Secretary Ron Brown, according to some sources, was the sale of U.S. weapons, such as the F-16 Fighting Falcon jet fighters, to Indonesia.

Feb, 1996: Ron Brown meets with Wang Jun, chairman of the state-owned China International Trust & Investment Corp. Wang and Charlie Trie attended a White House coffee with Clinton. President Clinton approves the launch of four U.S. satellites on China Aerospace rockets, after signing assault weapon waivers - despite evidence that China was still exporting nuclear and missile technology to Pakistan and Iran.

March, 1996: Ron Brown is granted a delay in scheduled testimony in a civil case brought by Judicial Watch. Charlie Trie presents Michael Cardozo, executive director of the Presidential Legal Expense Trust (a defense fund set up by Bill & Hillary Clinton to help pay their legal bills) with two manila envelopes containing checks and money orders for more than $450,000. The fund returned about $70,000 of this immediately, but deposited $378,300.

Apr 3, 1996: A plane carrying Ron Brown and 34 others crashes over Croatia. There are no survivors.

See also: Al Gore ; Gene and Nora Lum ; James Riady ; Johnny Chung ; John Waihee ; Mark Middleton ; Ng Lapseng ; Ron Brown ; Ron Rewald ; William Clinton

For more GO TO > > > A Flock of Flying Donkeys


 

Dan Burton - U.S. Representative (R) from Indiana. Chairman of the Committee for Campaign Finance Reform.

US CONGRESSMEN RECEIVED ILLEGAL CONTRIBUTION FROM KHALISTANI GROUPS

Republican Congressman Dan Burton and others who champion the cause of Khalistan in the US Congress have received campaign contributions from the Council of Khalistan -- a Washington-based organisation established 10 years ago by some militant Sikhs.

The council has funneled at least $ 65,000 to the Republican Party and several congressional candidates, including Burton, in an apparent violation of federal tax laws because the money was collected by a charitable non-profit group, says the weekly newspaper, Hill.

An investigation by the Hill has also revealed that Burton, who is heading the house investigation into campaign finance abuses, has received illegal campaign contributions directly from at least two Sikh temples.

The newspaper quotes Burton's personal attorney Joseph Digenova as saying that Burton ''does not personally review each and every cheque and if there is any problem with a cheque, it will be returned.''

Other members of Congress who have benefitted from the Sikh contributions include Gary Condit (Democrat-California) Gerald Solomon (Republican-New York), Dana Rohrabacher (Republican-California), Vic Fazio (Democrat-California), Amo Houghton (Republican-New York), Edolphus Towns (Democrat-New York), Senator Bob Torricelli (Democrat-New Jersey) and former senator Bob Dole, who unsuccessfully ran against Bill Clinton in the last presidential election.

However, the largest recipient of funds was the Republican Party, whose various campaign committees received more than $22,000 in contributions bundled by the Council of Khalistan.

Most of the recipients of this money have been allies of Burton in pro-Khalistan causes, says the newspaper.

Over the past decade, Burton has been the chief congressional proponent of the Council of Khalistan, the group whose campaign donations has helped generate growing support in Congress for a separate Sikh homeland in India.

The Hill also reveals that Burton, at the behest of the council, urged the state department to revise the extradition treaty with India, which would have the effect of making it more difficult to extradite to India terrorists arrested in the US.

It recalls that Burton's crusade grew from his personal ties to Dr Gurmit Singh Aulakh, a gregarious and persistent Sikh lobbyist whom he met in 1986.

Dr Aulakh was appointed by militant separatists the following year to be president of the Khalistan government in exile. He draws a salary of $59,000 as president of the council, a $ 250,000-a-year-operation, according to the newspaper.

It says at least five of Dr Aulakh's 10 co-founders, many of whom have since been killed in clashes with the Indian police, represented some of India's most notorious terrorist groups. They have been blamed for killing of hundreds, if not thousands, of civilians, and helped foment widespread violence by police and Sikh militants that led to the more than 100,000 deaths.

Dr Aulakh received contributions from Sikhs and, on behalf of the council, handed them to congressional campaigns.

This point is significant because the council is operationally indistinguishable from the International Sikh Organisation, a registered religious charity, which is prohibited by federal law from engaging in partisan activities. And taking money from such organisations is an offence.

Copyright 1997 Rediff On The Net - All rights reserved

* * *

Pakistan Lobbyist's Memo Alleges Shakedown by House Probe Leader

By Charles R. Babcock, Washington Post Staff Writer, March 19 1997

An American lobbyist for the government of Pakistan complained to his client last summer that he had been "shaken down" for campaign contributions by Rep. Dan Burton (R-Ind.), who now is heading a House probe of alleged Democratic campaign fund-raising abuses.

Mark A. Siegel, then a lobbyist for the government of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, said he was approached by Burton early last year to raise "at least $5,000" for Burton's reelection campaign. When he was unable to do so, Siegel said, the congressman complained to the ambassador for the Bhutto government here and later threatened to make sure "none of his friends or colleagues" would meet with Siegel or his associates.

"I should tell you," Siegel wrote on July 25, in a two-page memo to a Bhutto aide in Islamabad, "that I worked in Washington for over 25 years and have never been shaken down by anyone before like Dan Burton's threats. No one has ever dared to threaten me into contributing money, and no one has ever followed through on such threats by contacting one of my clients. . . .

Burton is a longtime member of the House International Relations Committee who co-chairs an informal caucus on U.S.-Pakistani relations. The congressman has regularly backed causes of importance to Pakistan and is a longtime recipient of campaign donations from the Sikh community. He was a key supporter of a bill that would have blocked $25 million in U.S. aid to India because of its refusal to allow human rights investigations of alleged atrocities in Punjab state, where Sikh separatists seeking a homeland they call Khalistan have battled New Delhi's security forces.

Two years ago, Burton also backed an effort to lift a long-standing ban on aid to Pakistan that cleared the way for delivery of $368 million worth of U.S. missiles and other military equipment for which it already had paid.

According to Siegel's memo, in conversations last year about fund-raising efforts, Burton said that he was "owed support" and that "he had been there for Pakistan and he expected me to be there for him."

Siegel, who represented the Bhutto government in Washington for several years until her government fell, was paid $452,941 for his services for the year ending July 1995, according to his filing at the Justice Department as a registered foreign agent. A longtime Democrat, Siegel was executive director of the Democratic National Committee in the 1970s and served as a political aide in the Carter White House.

According to the memo, Siegel told Burton he "would do [his] best to try to identify Republican Pakistani-Americans who might contribute to his campaign."

But it soon became clear, the memo continues, "that it was impossible to raise the funds he was asking for without the congressman's attendance at an event. When I informed him of this, he said he wouldn't attend an event for less than $10,000, and added that if I `were smart' I'd put together that much or more for him." . . .

© Copyright 1997 The Washington Post Company

For more, GO TO > > > WHO's Guarding the Hen House?


 

Dan Harmon - From The Secret Life of Bill Clinton : . . . Sharlene Wilson had been the bartender at Le Bistro, a Little Rock nightclub where Roger Clinton used to play with his rock band Dealer's Choice.

Big Brother would come by from time to time with one or two of his State Troopers. . . .

"Roger had all the pretty girls and drugs and the fast life, and Bill was pretty envious of this," she said. On one occasion "Roger the Dodger" came back to the bar and said he needed two grams of cocaine right away. They carried out the deal near the ladies room. The Dodger then borrowed her "tooter," ... and handed it to the governor. . . .

"I watched Bill Clinton lean up against a brick wall. He must have had an adenoid problem because he casually stuck my tooter up his nose," she said. "He was so messed up that night, he slid down the wall into a garbage can and just sat here like a complete idiot."...

Afterward they went back to the Governor's Mansion and partied into the early hours of the morning. "I thought it was the coolest thing in the world that we had a governor who got high."

That was not the only time she snorted cocaine with Bill Clinton. She claimed to have been present with him at a series of "toga parties" at the Coachman's Inn outside Little Rock between 1979 and 1981. "I was, you know, the hostess with the mostess, the lady with the snow," she said. "I'd serve drinks and lines of cocaine on a glass mirror." . . .

People shared sexual partners in what amounted to a Babylonian orgy. They were elite gatherings of two to twenty people, mostly public officials, lawyers, and local notables, cavorting in a labyrinth of interconnected rooms with women that included teenage girls. Bill Clinton was there at least twice, she said, snorting cocaine "quite avidly" with Dan Harmon.

She gave a graphic description of the sexual activities that Bill Clinton preferred. She remembered seeing a distinctive mole at the base of his stomach. "It's darned me that he's managed to get elected through all this," she said. . . .

Sharlene was surprisingly frank about her job at the Mena Airport in the mid-1980s. The cocaine was flown in on twin-engine Cessnas, sometimes as often as every day. "I'd pick up the pallets and make the run down to Texas. The drop-off was at the Cowboys Stadium. I was told that nobody would ever bother me, and I was never bothered". ...

"If there was a problem I was to call Dan Harmon... A lot of the cocaine that came into Mena was taken up to Springdale in northwest Arkansas," she said, "where it was stuffed into chickens for reshipment to the rest of the country." . . .

But she had another job, which she revealed to me two years later when we were allowed to meet and talk in relative privacy at the prison library. This time she was trembling with emotion, giving free rein to the terrible remorse that had been eating at her for nine years. She used to pick up cocaine deliveries on the railway tracks near the little town of Alexander, thirty miles south of Little Rock....

"Every two weeks, for years, I'd go to the tracks, I'd pick up the package, and I'd deliver it to Dan Harmon, either straight to his office, or at my house. ... Sometimes it was flown in by air, sometimes it would be kicked out of the train. A big bundle, two feet by one and a half feet, like a bale of hay, so heavy I'd have trouble lifting it ... Roger the Dodger picked it up a few times."

But in the summer of 1987 one of the drops disappeared. Furious, Harmon brought out some of his men to watch the delivery on the night of August 22. They were expecting a delivery of 3 to 4 pounds of cocaine and 5 pounds of "weed."

Sharlene was supposed to make the pickup that night but she had been "high-balling" a mixture of cocaine and crystal and was totally "strung-out." They told her to wait in the car, which was parked off Quarry Road. It was around midnight.

"It was scary. I was high, very high. I was told to sit there and they'd be back. It seemed forever. ... I heard two trains. Then I heard some screams, loud screams."

"When Harmon came back, he jumped in the car and said, 'Let's go.' He was scared. It looked like there was blood all down his legs."

She later learned that a group of boys had been intercepted at the drop sight. According to Sharlene some of them had managed to get away, but Kevin Ives, 17, and Don Henry, 16, were captured. Harmon's men interrogated them as they were lying on the ground, face down, hands tied behind their backs.

They were kicked and beaten, and finally executed. One of the boys was stabbed to death with a "survival knife." The bodies were wrapped in a tarpaulin, carried to a different spot on the line, and placed across the railway tracks so that the bodies would be mangled by the next train.

The following day Harmon told Sharlene that she would have to ditch her car. He gave her $500 in cash and told her to deliver a packet of cocaine to an address in Rockford, Illinois. ... from there she fled to the obscurity of Nebraska....

I have Sharlene's signed confession, which she gave to the narcotics detail of the Little Rock Police Dept. on May 28, 1993.

The FBI has it, so does the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Arkansas.

The whole damn government has it....

~ ~ ~

View a shocking documentary on this betrayal of justice at The Law Party website: http://www.thelawparty.org/

See on the Net: The Crimes of Mena ; Arkansas Justice ; Big News from Arkansas; New York Mob at Mena

Recommended Books: The Boys on the Tracks; The Secret Life of Bill Clinton ; Compromised.


 

Dan Inouye - U.S. Senator (D) from Hawaii, called by some Hawaii's "Political Godfather".

From Honolulu Star-Bulletin, 10/28/96, by Ian Y. Lind: Isle Woman Part of Campaign Probe - Former resident Nora Lum figures in congressional investigation into '92 finances.

Congressional investigators have renewed a probe of former Hawaii resident Nora T. Lum, and a 1992 campaign project which she headed, because of their links to Democratic National Committee fund-raiser John Huang and former DNC official Melinda Yee.

David Bossie, staff investigator for Rep. Dan Burton, said last week that investigators are "extremely interested" in Lum's association with Huang and Yee in the Asian Pacific Advisory Council (APAC-Vote), a DNC project that operated out of offices in Torrance, Calif, during the fall of 1992.

Bossie said APAC-Vote is drawing new scrutiny because its "cast of characters" included Huang, then an officer of the Indonesian-owned Lippo Bank in Los Angeles; the late Secretary of Commerce, Ron Brown, then chairman of the DNC; and Melinda Yee, an assistant to Brown at the DNC and national director of Asian Pacific American affairs for the 1992 Clinton-Gore campaign.

Following the 1992 elections, Brown was appointed secretary of commerce and named Huang and Yee to key positions in the department. . . .

Huang and Yee have been ordered to testify in a lawsuit by the conservative organization, Judicial Watch, which wants to know whether Commerce Dept trade missions were used to raise funds for the Democratic Party. . . .

APAC-Vote officially opened its office on Sept 9, 1992, the same day then-candidate Bill Clinton announced the formation of the Asian Pacific American Committee for Clinton-Gore, whose roster included Sen. Dan Inouye, Sen. Dan Akaka, Rep. Patsy Mink, and then-Gov. John Waihee....

* * *

From Portland Free Press, Jan 1997, by Ace R. Hayes: New York Mob at Mena . . . Yet another CIA-Mafia drug connection: Richard Brenneke puts mob boss John Gotti and CIA boss Donald Gregg in the middle of contra drug operations at Mena Airport. . . .

The American people, since World War II, or World War I, or the Spanish American War- take your choice- have witnessed the tip of many criminal icebergs. The official investigations of the criminal icebergs almost always stopped at the waterline. The other 90 percent of the criminal icebergs were never hauled onto the beach for complete examination, prosecution and correction.

The criminal cases of 1980 to the present are in perfect harmony with this honored tradition. This is, of course, why Americans are the most profoundly ignorant people on planet earth. The illusion of knowledge is far worse than knowing you don't know.

The Iran-Contra-cocaine criminal iceberg was subjected to a series of bogus investigations and damage control "exposes."

The Tower Commission and Select Committee of the House and Senate on Secret Military Assistance to Iran and the Nicaraguan Opposition in 1987, began the damage control operation for the Imperial state.

But the Hall of Shame did not stop with John Tower, Ed Muskie and Brent Scowcroft or Dan Inouye and Lee Hamilton.

It included Senator John Kerry and his Special Counsel Jack Blum and Staff Aid Dick McCall.

It reached to the Special Counsel, Judge Lawrence E. Walsh ...



~ ~ ~

View shocking documentaries on this betrayal of justice at The Law Party website: http://www.thelawparty.org/

See also: Al Gore ; Brent Scowcroft ; Dan Lasater ; Dan Harmon ; Dean O'Hare ; Don Tyson ; Gene & Nora Lum ; Henry Kissinger ; James Riady ; John Waihee ; Richard Macke ; Ron Brown ; Ron Rewald ; Sukamto Sia ; William Clinton

For more, GO TO > > > Broken Trust


 

Dan Lasater - From: The Secret Life of Bill Clinton: . . . Dan Lasater -- the Dixie Godfather, and the friend of and provider for the Clinton brothers.

PATTY-ANNE SMITH was sixteen years old when she fell under the ruinous influence of Dan Lasater, friend and patron of the Clinton brothers. ... Her nicknames were Muffin and Precious. She was still a child, but not for long.

"I was a virgin until two months after I met Dan Lasater. He plied me with cocaine and gifts for sexual favors and I finally gave in and slept with him," she said in a police statement . . . At the time Lasater was 40 . . . Under his tutelage she soon became addicted to hard drugs. . . .

Lasater arranged for a corrupt doctor to give her "a pelvic examination and prescribe birth control pills." Once on contraceptives, she was made available to Lasater's business colleagues, including Arkansas State Senator George Locke.

In the end Patty-Anne fled Arkansas after it was explained to her that he planned to use her as a semi-prostitute to "entertain." . . .

For more GO TO > > > A Flock of Flying Donkeys ; The Donkey Nests


 

Dean R. O'Hare - CEO of Chubb Corporation.

From Executive Pay Watch:

In 2000, Dean R. O'Hare raked in $27,572,966 in total compensation from Chubb.

In addition, the Chubb executive took home $3,324,035 in stock option exercises from prior grants.

And Dean R. O'Hare has $27,281,046 in unexercised stock options from previous years.

* * *

From Washington on $10 Million a Day: Foreign Lobbying: . . . In Oct of 1996, Brent Scowcroft traveled to Beijing, joining Chubb Corp CEO Dean O'Hare at a meeting with Premier Li Peng. According to an account in the Chinese press, Li "expressed his appreciation for the prolonged efforts Scowcroft has made in helping to develop Sino-U.S. relations," while Scowcroft assured his host that he was "willing to make further efforts" for that cause.

Scowcroft also sits on the board of at least two corporations with big interests in China, Northrop-Grumman and Qualcomm, and is a trustee of the business-funded Asia Pacific Exchange Foundation, a right-wing beltway outfit that promotes closer ties with Beijing. . . .

For more, GO TO > > > The Chubb Group


 

Dennis J. Picard - CEO of Raytheon Co. In 1998, Picard raked in over $4.5 million in salary, bonus and other compensation from Raytheon. Raytheon also beamed in another $5 million in stock option grants for a total of over $9.5 million.


 

Diane Feinstein - Senator from California; former mayor of San Francisco.

From Washington on $10 Million a Day : Foreign Lobbying . . . But the China lobby's biggest friend in Congress is Senator Dianne Feinstein of California.

Feinstein's romance with China dates to the 1970s, when she was mayor of San Francisco and became close friends with Jiang Zemin, then mayor of Beijing and now China's president. In explaining her interest in U.S.-China relations, Feinstein has said, "In my last life I was Chinese."

It's not possible to confirm this but even if true, Feinstein's passion for Beijing is more likely linked to the fact that her husband in her current life, merchant banker Richard Blum, has substantial business and real estate interests in China. Blum manages $750 million in investments for about 70 companies, with a large chunk of that amount tied up in China.

Blum is also a director of Shanghai Pacific Partners, a major import-export firm. In 1994, Feinstein led the effort to renew MFN for Beijing at a time that her husband was preparing to invest $150 million of his clients' money, along with $2 million of his own, in China.

The China lobby has augmented its firepower by deploying a fleet of lobbyists to directly pressure Congress. ... In addition to Hogan & Hartson, the China lobby has retained Patton, Boggs-- which assigned eight lobbyists to the MFN campaign, including Tommy Boggs and Michael Brown, son of late Commerce Secretary Ron Brown; Hill and Knowlton, headed by Howard Paster; and Manatt, Phelps & Phillips, past home to ex-Commerce Secretary Mickey Kantor. These four firms alone took in at least $160,000 in 1996 to lobby on the MFN issue.

For more, GO TO > > > A Flock of Donkeys


 

Dick Cheney - Former Secretary of Defense under George H. W. Bush, 1989-1993. Bloke-in-Charge of finding a running mate for George W. Bush, Jr.-- who got himself selected instead-- AND WHO IS NOW VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

* * *

Quote: "The vice president is always in a very difficult position, in any circumstances ... if he challenges the president in policy meetings ... he's viewed as disloyal."

-- Dick Cheney, 1987, then vice chairman of the House committee investigating the Iran-Contra affair.

* * *

From The Center for Public Integrity (8/2/00):

CHENEY LED HALLIBURTON TO FEAST AT FEDERAL TROUGH

State Department Questioned Deal With
Firm Linked to Russian Mob

Under the guidance of Richard Cheney ... Halliburton Company over the past 5 years has emerged as a corporate welfare hog, benefitting from at least $3.8 BILLION in federal contracts and (US) taxpayer-insured loans.

One of those loans was approved in April by the U.S. Export-Import Bank. It guaranteed $489 MILLION in credits to a Russian oil company whose roots are imbedded in a legacy of KGB and Communist Party corruption, as well as drug trafficking and organized crime funds, according to Russian and U.S. sources and documents. . . .

High-level Access

Wall Street analysts praise Cheney's stewardship of the company and attribute his ability to attract government contracts and grants to his high-level access to the corridors of power that stems from his days as defense secretary under President George Bush. If he becomes vice president, according to a Halliburton official who admires Cheney but asked to remain anonymous, "the company's government contracts would obviously go through the roof."

If Halliburton has benefitted from government generosity, it also has reciprocated with substantial political contributions, largely to Republicans. During Cheney's five years at the helm, the company has donated $1,212,000 in soft and hard money to candidates and parties. . . .

As with Halliburton's campaign donations, the company's lobbying expenditures increased under Cheney's watch.

In 1996, the company spent $280,000 on lobbying. In 1997, the company increased those expenditures to $360,000, to $540,000 in 1998, and to $600,000 in 1999.

That upward trend parallels the increasing success Halliburton has had in winning government contracts, loans, and guarantees under Cheney's direction. . . .

* * *

A CATBIRD NOTE: Some of the top investors in Halliburton include: American Express; Barclays; Merrill Lynch; and Putnam (Marsh & McLennan). The U.K.-based Barclays is one of the largest investors in Riscorp.

For more, GO TO > > > Nests in the Pentagon


 

Donald J. Tyson - a/k/a "Chicken Man".

In his book, The Secret Life of Bill Clinton, investigative reporter Ambrose Evans-Pritchard writes:

I had been given comprehensive intelligence files from the Criminal Investigations Division of the Arkansas State Police, going back as far as the early 1970's . . .

I was scarcely able to believe what I was seeing. Among the famous names of the Arkansas oligarchy that jumped out from page after page of criminal intelligence files was Don Tyson, the billionaire president of Tyson Foods and the avuncular patron of Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton. . . .

A gruff barrel-chested man with a cropped beard and a reputation for ruthless business practice, Don Tyson is one of the great characters of Arkansas. He presides over the biggest chicken processing operation in the world from his "Oval Office" -- a replica of the real one -- with dooor handles in the shape of eggs....

The family business, based in Springdale, has grown at an explosive rate since the 1960;s, swallowing up rival companies in a relentless quest for market share....

The documents I was looking at made me wonder about the origins of his liquidity. Here were files from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency, marked DEA SENSITIVE, under the rubric of the "Donald TYSON Drug Trafficking Organization."

One was from the DEA office in Oklahoma City, dated December 14, 1982. It cited a confidential informant alleging that "TYSON smuggles cocaine from Colombia, South America inside race horses to Hot Springs, Arkansas." It cited the investigation tracking number for Don J. Tyson, a/k/a "Chicken Man," as Nadis 470067.

A second document from the DEA office in Tucson, dated July 9, 1984, stated that "the Cooperating Individual had information concerning heroin, cocaine and marijuana trafficking in the States of Arkansas, Texas, and Missouri by the TYSON organization." The informant described a place called "THE BARN" which TYSON used as a "stash" location for large quantities of marijuana and cocaine.

"THE BARN" area is located between Springdale and Fayetteville, Arkansas, and from the outside the appearance of "THE BARN" looks run down. On the inside of "THE BARN" it is quite plush. . . .

~ ~ ~

A memo by the Criminal Investigative Section, dated March 22, 1976, states that Don Tyson "is an extremely wealthy man with much political influence and seems to be involved in most every kind of shady operation, especially narcotics, however, has to date gone without implication in any specific crime . . ."

The memo was triggered by a dispute between Tyson and the Teamsters Union over allegations of drug dealing and prostitution at a Teamsters-owned hotel leased by Tyson. Two sets of documents refer to alleged hit men employed by Tyson to kill drug dealers who owed him money. Another report alleged that Tyson was using his business plane to smuggle quart jars of methamphetamine. All told, it was a staggering portrait of a drug baron.

None of the allegations led to criminal charges, and it would soon become clear why. Police officers who tried to mount a case against Tyson were destroyed by their superiors in the State Police.

The first to try was Beverly "B.J." Weaver, then an undercover narcotics officer in Springdale. Working the streets and bars of northwest Arkansas, disguised as a deaf woman, she collected detailed intelligence on Tyson's alleged smuggling network. . . .

"There were loads going out with the chickens," she explained. "They'd put the coke in the rectums of the chickens, live chickens. That's how they'd move it." . . .

As the allegations from her informants mounted, she requested the intelligence files on Don Tyson. That is when her problems began. Her colleagues in the Springdale office -- who she now believes were "on the take" from the Tyson machine -- put out the word that she was "not stable," that she had "flipped out."

Then it got rough. "They started passing out my photo on the streets, which put my life in danger. I became paranoid. I didn't trust my phone line. There was nobody I could really trust." . . .

By 1987 her position was untenable. Her career in ruins, she resigned from the police and found a job as a security guard in the Bahamas. . . .

~ ~ ~

To Don Tyson, who has reportedly again become disenchanted with Clinton and is giving money to Bob Dole in the 1996 campaign, the business of politics has never been particularly complicated. It consists of "a series of unsentimental transactions between those who need votes and those who have money . . . a world where every quid has its quo." . . .

See also: William Clinton .

For more, GO TO > > > Down On The Factory Farm


 

Donald H. Rumsfeld - Sworn in as George W. Bush's Secretary of Defense on January 20, 2001.

For more, GO TO > > > Nests in the Pentagon


 

Donna Tanoue - Appointed by President Clinton to head the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp (FDIC) from May 1998 to July 2001, overseeing the federal banking agency that monitors nearly 5,700 banks and insures $3 trillion in deposits. During her term, she oversaw the transfer of Sukamto Sia's insolvent Bank of Honolulu to Bank of the Orient.

On October 16, 2001 it was announced that Ms. Tanoue had been appointed as a director for the troubled Bank of Hawaii. . . .

For more, GO TO > > > Broken Trust


 

Edwin Edwards - Former Governor of Louisiana who was convicted in May, 2000, on charges he rigged the state's riverboat gambling licensing process. His son Stephen and three other men also were convicted. Sentencing is pending.

Ex-Louisiana Governor in 2nd Trial

By Melinda Deslatte / Associated Press

BATON ROUGE, La., Sept 18, 2000 -- The flash has tarnished and the indestructible air has disappeared as former Gov. Edwin Edwards, convicted this summer in a federal corruption case, faces his second trial this year.

Jury selection in the trial against Mr. Edwards and Louisiana Insurance Commissioner Jim Brown begins Monday. The men are accused of working out a sweetheart liquidation scheme for the now-defunct Cascade Insurance Co.

Mr. Edwards, 73, was convicted in May on federal racketeering charges involving the licensing of the state riverboat casinos.

In the coming trial, Mr. Edwards, Mr. Brown and Shreveport attorney Ronald Weems are accused of helping the owner of Cascade create a sham financial settlement and try to derail a proposed $27 million lawsuit related to Cascade's liquidation in 1996. They are charged with insurance, mail and wire fraud and conspiracy in the 57-count indictment. Mr. Brown and Mr. Weems also are charged with lying to investigators. Three men have pleaded guilty and will testify against Mr. Edwards, Mr. Brown and Mr. Weems, who deny any wrongdoing.

The indictment also outlines Mr. Edwards' alleged attempts to bribe a judge overseeing the litigation of all failed insurance companies. For his work, the indictment says, Mr. Edwards was to get $20,000 a month from Cascade's owner.

Mr. Edwards, who was not governor at the time, has said there was nothing improper about the work or the payments he received. . . .

* * *

Brown guilty; others cleared -
Insurance chief convicted of lying

By Christopher Baughman, Advocate staff writer

Oct 12, 2000 - Insurance Commissioner Jim Brown was found guilty Wednesday of seven felony counts in an insurance fraud trial, but federal prosecutors failed to pin convictions on Edwin Edwards and a Shreveport lawyer.

Brown, 60, faces up to five years in prison on each of seven counts of making false statements to an FBI agent who was investigating the settlement of state claims against the failed Cascade Insurance Co.

The jury rejected the bulk of the prosecution's case -- an alleged conspiracy to rig the settlement. But they found Brown repeatedly lied to the FBI agent.

After the verdicts, Brown noted that his 30-minute-interview with FBI Special Agent Harry Burton in May 1997 was one of the few conversations in nearly three-weeks of testimony that wasn't on tape recordings played for the jury.

The FBI had placed wiretaps on Edwards' home and office telephones as well as a microphone in his law office. Jurors heard hours of tapes secretly made from those wiretaps.

"Unfortunately there was no tape recording of the one conversation that would have found me innocent," Brown said.

Edwards and Weems said their joy over the verdicts was tempered by the convictions against Brown.

Edwards also noted that the Cascade case marked the fourth time "the federal government has drug" him into court.

In the mid-1980s, one of his trials ended in a hung jury, and another in acquittal. He was convicted in May of rigging the state's riverboat-licensing process and awaits sentencing.

"If I had been convicted in this case, it would have effectively ended my life," the 73-year-old former governor said.

Shreveport lawyer Ronald Weems, 55, said his acquittal will let him start rebuilding his reputation.

"The first step has been taken toward vindication," he said.

Federal prosecutors contend Brown, Edwards and Weems conspired to rig a settlement of state claims against Cascade. Prosecutors said the settlement favored Cascade's ex-owner, David Disiere, at the expense of policyholders and creditors.

Edwards, having finished his last term in office, and Weems were attorneys for Disiere.

Prosecutors said the defendants tried to arrange a bogus Cascade settlement by threatening a state judge. The settlement, reached in December 1996, required Disiere to pay at least $2.5 million.

Edwards, Brown and Weems were charged with conspiracy, witness tampering, and insurance, mail and wire fraud. Brown and Weems also were accused of lying to federal investigators.

The jury acquitted Edwards and Weems of all charges.

Brown was acquitted of 49 charges, including six counts of lying to the FBI agent. But the jury convicted him of seven counts of making false statements to the agent.

After the verdict, U.S. Attorney Eddie Jordan said he doesn't think prosecutors won a hollow victory, despite the many acquittals.

"The fact of the matter is, we did convict the insurance commissioner," Jordan said. "We're not pleased with the results. But we felt we had an obligation to go forward with this case. We don't regret that."

Sal Perricone, the lead prosecutor during the trial, shook his head when asked if he felt Edwards had escaped his clutches.

"He's still a convicted racketeer," Perricone said, referring to Edwards' riverboat conviction.


 

Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos - In February 1986, President Ferdinand Marcos and his wife Imelda fled the Philippines. They took with them billions of dollars stolen from the Philippine people.

It took the Swiss banks thirteen years to return some of this stolen loot. The vast bulk of it is still missing.

From marcosbillions.com : CRIMES OF FERDINAND MARCOS . . .

Ferdinand E. Marcos was President of the Republic of the Philippines from Nov 1965 until his flight from the Republic in Feb 1986. In an act of infamy, on 21 Sept 1972, Marcos declared martial law in the Philippines and then imposed an unjust dictatorship.

Ferdinand Marcos' corrupt activities commenced while he was a congressman and head of the import control board, which allowed him to gather large bribes in return for approving import licenses.

As congressman, Marcos soon became a millionaire largely based on his 10% cut from government deals. When Marcos became President, he acquired an epic appetite for bribery.

What distinguished Ferdinand Marcos from other Filipino corrupt politicians was the scale of his corruption. He was not bound by the "socially acceptable" norms of plunder.

The Marcos rule was economically disastrous for the Philippines. The causes of this are varied, and were greatly facilitated by the abuses of the Marcoses and their cronies. . . .

A RICO claim brought in 1989 in California ... sets out in some 100 pages the details of how Ferdinand Marcos, Imelda Marcos and others conspired to loot, divert and launder public assets for their personal use and benefit. The RICO claim estimated that at least $5 billion in ill-gotten wealth was taken by the Marcoses, their associates and accomplices. But there is other material suggesting that Marcos took even greater amounts of money.

According to Jovito Salonga ... there were three main sources of the Marcos loot.

Firstly, Ferdinand Marcos arranged and was the beneficiary of large-scale diversion of entitlements to foreign economic assistance, including reparation funds from Japan and economic aid from the United States (aka, US taxpayers). . . .

Secondly, there were the Philcag funds. While as President of the Senate, Ferdinand Marcos opposed the sending of Filipino troops to Vietnam. A few months after becoming President, Marcos approved the sending of Philcag engineers to Vietnam, a measure for which he was amply rewarded by the US government (aka, US taxpayers). . . .

The third source of Marcos funds was the kickbacks from public works contracts, which reached new heights of plunder under Marcos. During the Marcos regime there was an increase in the level of government intervention ... which Marcos abused by selling or renting "privileges", particularly economic monopolies to favored families and businessmen. Marcos institutionalized this practice, which involved the extortion of, and the soliciting of bribes and commissions in exchange for the granting of government employment, government contracts, licenses, concessions, permits, franchises and monopolies.

There were also alleged instances of plain outright theft of public assets. These included direct withdrawals of monies from the public treasury and the gold stocks on the State. Such withdrawals were covered up in an elaborate fashion. . . .

~ ~ ~

For various geo-political reasons, the Marcos regime was strongly supported by the United States and its allies. For example, between 1962 and 1983 the United States (aka, US taxpayers) provided $3 billion in economic and military aid, while during this same period the World Bank lent $4 billion to the Philippine government. . . .

Unfortunately, a substantial part of the Philippines external borrowing was recycled out of the country via capital flight, which for the most part was in violation of Philippines law. . . .

By 1985 the Philippines had the heaviest external debt burden of any country in East and South East Asia. A key new feature was that while the external debt was largely public, the external assets were strictly private.

It is difficult to believe that the United States government was unaware of the economic abuses carried out for the benefit of the Marcoses and their cronies. ...

~ ~ ~

IMELDA MARCOS' NEW YORK TRIAL

On 21 Oct 1988 Ferdinand Marcos, Imelda Marcos, arms billionaire Adnan Khashoggi and several accomplices were indicted by a US grand jury in New York on federal racketeering charges. Ferdinand died before trial while Imelda and her accomplices were acquitted of all charges.

The failure of this prosecution represented a huge blow to the Philippines government which believed that a US-based conviction could be used to recover Marcos assets in England, Hong Kong, Cayman Islands, Switzerland and Singapore.

This was no ordinary prosecution and was undermined by political obstacles, including the following:

>> The Reagan administration's instructions to Rudolph W. Giuliani, the US attorney initially in charge of the case and also a member of the Republican party, to cancel a planned investigative trip to Switzerland to gather evidence on Marcos' Swiss transactions, on the grounds of "national security."

>> The actual indictment was narrowed in scope to include "less sensitive" charges such as bank fraud, real estate fraud, fraudulent conveyance of property and obstruction of justice. Charges which were potentially damaging to the Republican administration and which would have shocked an American jury -- such as misuse of US economic and military aid to the Philippines, theft of multimillion dollar loans from US banks to the Philippines treasury, laundering of gold through US financial institutions and illegal contributions to US politicians -- were removed from the original indictment.

>> The US Justice Department imposed a requirement that the indictment of Marcos must be approved in advance by the US State Department and the White House. This led to a delay in the approval of the indictment which only occurred after an exchange of letters between President Reagan and Marcos on 20 Oct 1988, a day before the actual indictments were filed. By this time it was clear that Ferdinand Marcos would never actually face trail because he was terminally ill.

After the lengthy trial and the production of thousands of documents, the New York jury unanimously acquitted Imelda and her associates. . . .

The jurors blamed the incompetence of the prosecution in presenting its case against Imelda. . . . There were no relevant documents produced or witnesses who could directly link Imelda Marcos to the alleged crimes. . . .

The American prosecutor had waited for the transmittal from Switzerland of documents which would have established Imelda's direct participation in the illegal deposits is Swiss banks of money belonging to the Filipino people. But the Swiss authorities delayed sending the documents.

Without such documents showing Imelda's involvement in the money laundering activities of Ferdinand, the jury could be forgiven for accepting her as an extravagant widow and not as a cunning thief. . . .

* * *

From The Philippine Daily Inquirer, 5/16/99, by Donna Custo: Aquino Exec Found Jacobi's Marcos Gold Claim Credible. A former Malacaflang official validated the claims of Australian investigator Reiner Jacobi on the existence of the Marcos gold in separate reports in 1992 to former President Corazon Aquino and to the Presidential Commission on Good Government.

Former Press Secretary Horacio "Ducky" Paredes said he believed Jacobi had been "framed" in a drug case that resulted in his arrest in Germany and in Hong Kong, where he was later cleared.

The Inquirer has obtained copies of Paredes' report and his memo. The former press officer wrote the latter after he visited Zurich, Switzerland to confirm reports about a gigantic stash of Marcos gold being kept at the Kloten airport there.

Jacobi was allegedly set up around the time he claimed to have verified the existence of 1,241 tons of the gold in a warehouse under the custody of a firm named Freilager A.G.

Paredes gave his report to Aquino barely a month before her term ended in 1992. It is not clear whether the former President read the document.

No doubt

In his report, Paredes said there was "no doubt to the authenticity of the existence of the gold hoard in Kloten." . . .

He said that the former manager of Freilager had himself confirmed the existence of the gold, identifying not only vault numbers but the numbers of individual gold bars.

But when Paredes visited Zurich from Oct. 10-16, 1992 to authenticate the claims, officers of Freilager refused to let him examine the contents of the warehouse where the bullion hoard was suspected to be stashed away.

Walter Michel, the manager of the warehouse-- who later in a television documentary confirmed the warehouse held the rumored Marcos gold-- told him "only a court order would make them open their records."

The day after he returned from Switzerland, Paredes sent the memo to Gunigundo about his inspection of Freilager.

He reported his conclusions: "I believe in the existence of some goods in Freilager. I am told that this includes some paintings, barrels of jewelry, coins and gold. I have no idea of the value of these goods."

He advised a "news blackout" on the matter until there was further information. . . .

Bongbong vs Frank

In Laoag City, Ilocos Norte Gov. Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. yesterday said former Solicitor General Francisco Chavez was "nothing but an attention seeker" and "a headline grabber." Marcos said Chavez's claims regarding the gold and a $13.2-billion account allegedly belonging to Irene Araneta were "not credible at all." . . .

He said his family would "support and cooperate with" a proposed Senate inquiry into the matter of their allegedly ill-gotten and illegal wealth.

Chavez yesterday shrugged off the Marcoses' series of denials.

"First, they deny that they have the gold, then they deny the existence of the warehouse where it is being kept. They may deny later that Zurich exists," Chavez said.

* * *

From The Honolulu Advertiser, Oct 16, 2001: Imelda Marcos Faces Arrest . . .

The Philippines' main anti-graft court issued an arrest warrant today for former first lady Imelda Marcos on four counts of corruption.

The court said the warrant for the 72-year-old widow of late dictator Ferdinand Marcos was expected to be served later in the day. She would have to go to the court for fingerprinting, then could be re-released on $2,400 bail.

The charges stem from alleged ill-gotten gains during her time as minister of human settlements in the 1970s, according to court documents.

The charges are part of a much wider case against Marcos on allegations of plundering the economy from 1968-86 while her husband ran the country. . . .

See in Part III: Philippines


 

Fidel Castro - From The Laundrymen : . . . Until Castro came along, the Cubans were the entrepreneurs of the Caribbean. In many ways they still are, although now they run business in the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, and Miami . . .

Having lost a huge chunk of his foreign income to ideology, Castro has tried to make up for it by operating a free port for drug shipments coming through the Gulf of Mexico on their way to the United States.

Reports of Cuban involvement in drug trafficking first came to America's attention in 1960. But those reports were largely unsubstantiated. ... But in 1982, a U.S. district court indicted four Cuban officials on charges of conspiring to smuggle drugs into the U.S., providing documentation that Castro had sold safe haven to the Colombian cartels for hard currency.

The Wall Street Journal reported in 1984 that the Colombians were paying Castro as much as half a million dollars per shipment for the privilege of using Cuban territorial waters to avoid interdiction by the U.S. Coast Guard and U.S. Customs. . . .

The possibility that Castro might be linked to cocaine trafficking hit the headlines again over the summer of 1989, when Cuban General Arnaldo Ochoa Sanchez, the third-ranking military man in the country after Fidel and his brother Raoul, was convicted on drug charges.

Ochoa was put into the dock in televised show trial, together with thirteen other senior officers and civil servants accused of drug dealing. They'd all made money in Angola dealing in gold, diamonds, and ivory while serving with Cuba's African Expeditionary Force -- money the prosecution claimed had then been invested in narcotics.

Never stated was the fact that six of them, led by Ochoa, had invested some of their money in a failed plot to overthrow the Castro brothers. Those six were sentenced to death and summarily executed by a firing squad at the end of the trial.

Now American agents renewed their undercover contacts in Cuba. It took the better part of two years before they hit pay dirt.

The man they eventually coerced into providing them with proof positive was Cuban army major Luis Galeana. In Oct 1991, while his plane bound for Moscow was making a refueling stop in Madrid, Galeana defected into the arms of DEA agents waiting for him ...

Assigned to Cuba's Interior Ministry, Galeana brought with him information ... that documented two years' worth of Castro-sponsored cocaine shipments from Cuba to Texas and Louisiana. Those were the same cargoes Castro tried to pin of Ochoa.

With his regime no longer getting Russian subsidies, Castro needed foreign trade to keep the Cuban economy from completely disintegrating...

So he turned to drug trafficking, an obvious choice given the high markup, his Central and South American contacts, and Cuba's proximity to the U.S. At the same time, he'd been bartering with what few nuclear secrets his Russian allies allowed him to know.

Castro not only backed Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War but offered to aid Iran in its development of nuclear technology. He's also approached the Chinese and the North Koreans, proposing to help them develop their nuclear capacity in exchange for oil.

See also: Dan Lasater ; Don Tyson ; George Bush ; George W. Bush ; Manuel Noriega ; William Clinton

See in Part II: Dixie Mafia ; Lasater and Co. ; Tyson Foods ; The Democratic Party ; The Republican Party


 

Foday Sankoh - From The New York Times 4/6/00, by Blaine Harden:

Africa's Gems: Warfare's Best Friend. . . . In Freetown, the capital of Sierra Leone, the surgeons were frantic. Scores of men, women and children, their hands partly chopped off by machetes, had flooded the main hospital. Amputating as quickly as they could, doctors tossed severed hands into a communal bucket.

The Revolutionary United Front, a rebel outfit that barters diamonds for weapons, was trying early last year to conquer Freetown. Chopping off limbs was their trademark strategy, as it greatly simplified conquest in the diamond fields of eastern Sierra Leone. When word got out that rebels were moving in, tens of thousands of terrified people would take off. The rebels chased half the country's population of 4.5 million out of their homes in the 1990's. Half a million people fled the country. . . .

Most of Sierra Leone's diamonds were-- and still are-- smuggled into neighboring Liberia for sale, according to several human rights groups and diamond industry experts.

The leader of the Sierra Leone rebels, Foday Sankoh, has established a lucrative partnership with his longtime Liberian friend, Charles Taylor, the rebel-boss-turned-president. Both had training in Libya, both their rebellions began in the late 1980's, and their armies have helped each other fight.

Mr. Sankoh's access to the world's diamond bourses and to arms was secured when Mr. Taylor was elected president of Liberia in 1997. . . .

Liberia was a marginal exporter of diamonds until the mid-1990's. Since then it has exported some 31 million carats-- more than 200 years' worth of its own national capacity, according to trading records in Antwerp. . . . After Mr. Sankoh failed to take Freetown last year, he signed a peace deal granting his rebels amnesty for war crimes. The deal, which was brokered by the United Nations, also gave him a government job-- chairman of the Strategic Minerals Commission, which controls diamond mining. . . .


 

Frank C. Carlucci - 16th Secretary of Defense, Reagan Administration, Nov 23, 1987 - Jan 20, 1989.

Frank C. Carlucci, who had served as Caspar Weinberger's deputy secretary between 1981 and 1983, succeeded him as secretary of defense.

Carlucci left office with the advent of the Bush administration.

After he left the Pentagon, Carlucci joined the Carlyle Group, a Washington investment partnership, as vice president and managing director; he later became chairman.

In the ensuing years, he wrote, spoke, and testified frequently on defense issues. He lobbied against what he considered to be congressional micromanagement of Dept of Defense, and continued to advocate rail deployment of the MX, and promoted the new B-2 bomber as a necessary nuclear deterrent.

For more, GO TO > > > Birds that Drink from Cesspools


 

Frank J. Fahrenkopf , Jr. - Frahrenkopf served as Chairman of the Republican Party during Ronald Reagan's presidency. He is currently the President and CEO of the American Gaming Association, and co-chairs the Commission on Presidential Debates.

For more GO TO > > > Mocking Democracy ; The Game Birds


 

Frank V. Cahouet - CEO of Mellon Bank Corp. In 1998, Cahouet bulldozed in $6.3 million in salary, bonus and other compensation from Mellon Bank Corp. Add in another $3.9 million in stock option grants and that's a total of $10.2 million. Plus, he has a stack of unexercised stock options of over $38.6 million from previous years.


 

Fred Malek - Head of Thayer Capital Partners; involved in the Connecticut Treasury scandals.

For more, GO TO > > > A Connecticut Yankee in King Kamehameha's Court


 

Gale Norton - From Al Martin Raw, by Al Martin:

From Cradle to Cabal:
The Secret Life of Gale Norton

A True Blue Republican Party Apparatchik Also Rises

Gale Norton, the Bush designate for Secretary of Interior, was Attorney General of Colorado from 1991 to 1999. She was brought in after her predecessor