From: Subject: frontline: once upon a time in arkansas: Fool for Scandal Date: Mon, 19 Jan 2009 16:58:25 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; type="text/html"; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_0000_01C97A57.24AA3E10" X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.5579 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0000_01C97A57.24AA3E10 Content-Type: text/html; charset="Windows-1252" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/arkansas/whitewater/lyonsarticle.html frontline: once upon a time in arkansas: Fool for = Scandal <= /TR>
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Harper's Magazine=20

The Great Whitewater Political Scandal and Multimedia = Extravaganza, now=20 on the verge of entering its second smash year, has always played = very=20 differently here in Little Rock than in, say, Washington, New = York, or Los=20 Angeles. To read the great metropolitan newspapers, observe the = grave=20 demeanor of network TV anchors, and heed the rhetoric of the = politicians=20 and radio talk-show hosts who have made the issue their own, one = would=20 gather that the republic teeters on the brink of a constitutional = crisis.=20 The dread "gate" suffix of Nixonian legend has been applied. = Melodramatic=20 charges of bribery, corruption, cover-up, even of suicide and = murder, fill=20 the air (although at the time of this writing the focus has = shifted to=20 "improprieties" in Washington). There has even been loose talk of=20 presidential impeachment.

All this over a failed $ 200,000 dirt-road real estate deal up = in=20 Marion County and a savings and loan flameout that cost taxpayers = a lousy=20 $ 65 million--the 196th most costly S&L failure of the 1980s,=20 nationally speaking, and one that accounted for about 7 percent of = the=20 roughly $ 1 billion tab bankrupt institutions ran up right here in = little=20 old Arkansas. For the longest time, it was hard for most Arkansans = to take=20 all the bellyaching over Whitewater and Jim McDougal's Madison = Guaranty=20 very seriously.=20

Apart from a superficial acquaintance with both Clintons shared = by=20 thousands of Arkansans, I know none of the characters in the = Whitewater=20 saga personally. (My wife gave Clinton a little bit of money and = went to=20 Wisconsin for a week on his behalf as an "Arkansas Traveler" at = her own=20 expense. But that's her business.) What little I have written over = the=20 years has been mostly critical.

Indeed, I cherish a videotape of myself in a short-lived guise = as the=20 poor man's Andy Rooney on a Little Rock TV station back in 1988 = predicting=20 that the governor had won his last election.

It angers me, though, that Whitewater has brought back all the = old=20 stereotypes, what the Arkansas Times magazine once called the = image of=20 "the Barefoot State." Barefoot, hell. To hear the national press = go on=20 about it, under Clinton poor little Arkansas became a veritable = American=20 Transylvania: a dark, mysterious netherworld populated by a mob of = ignorant peasants and presided over by a half dozen corrupt = tycoons in=20 collusion with the Clintons as the Count and Countess Dracula. = Scarcely a=20 Whitewater story has appeared in the national press that hasn't = made=20 references to the state's uniquely "incestuous" links between = business,=20 government, and the legal establishment--concepts utterly foreign = to=20 places like Washington, D.C., and New York City, of course.

Even Arkansans long weary of Clinton's amoeba-like style of=20 leadership--his indecisiveness, his downright genius for = equivocation, his=20 habit of launching more trial balloons than the National Weather=20 Service--can't recognize the caricature of either the man or his = milieu in=20 the national press. And we're not just talking about such = off-the-wall=20 publications as The American Spectator or the Wall Street Journal=20 editorial page. In The New Republic, author L.J. Davis accused = Bill and=20 Hillary Clinton of a nefarious plot to void Arkansas usury limits = for the=20 benefit of the First Lady's banker clients. Problem is, the deed = was done=20 through an amendment to the Arkansas constitution by public = referendum=20 during the term of Republican Governor Frank White--a banker.

So how did we get here? Well, at the expense of shocking you, = dear=20 reader, it all began with the New York Times--specifically with a = series=20 of much-praised articles by investigative reporter Jeff Gerth:=20 groundbreaking, exhaustively researched, but not particularly fair = or=20 balanced stories that combine a prosecutorial bias and the art of = tactical=20 omission to insinuate all manner of sin and skulduggery. = Accompanied by a=20 series of indignant editorials, Gerth's work helped create a = full-scale=20 media clamor last December for a special prosecutor. Testimony in = recent=20 Senate hearings showed that the Resolution Trust Corporation's = Whitewater=20 investigation began in direct response to the Times coverage; the = hearings=20 themselves resulted in large part from the Clinton = Administration's=20 panicky reaction to reporters' queries about the RTC probe, = Gerth's among=20 them. Absent the near-talismanic role of the New York Times in = American=20 journalism, the whole complex of allegations and suspicions = subsumed under=20 the word "Whitewater" might never have made it to the front page, = much=20 less come to dominate the national political dialogue for months = at a=20 time. It is all the more disturbing, then, that most of the = insinuations=20 in Gerth's reporting are either highly implausible or demonstrably = false.

Let us return briefly to those thrilling days of=20 yesteryear--specifically the 1992 primary season. On March 8, = 1992, Jeff=20 Gerth's initial story about Whitewater appeared on the Times front = page=20 under the headline CLINTONS JOINED S.&L. OPERATOR IN AN OZARK=20 REAL-ESTATE VENTURE:=20

In 1984 , Madison started getting into trouble. Federal = examiners=20 studied its books that year, found that it was violating Arkansas=20 regulations and determined that correcting the books to adjust = improperly=20 inflated profits would "result in an insolvent position," records = of the=20 1984 examination show.

Arkansas regulators received the Federal report later that = year, and=20 under state law the securities commissioner was supposed to close = any=20 insolvent institution.

As the Governor is free to do at any time, Mr. Clinton = appointed a new=20 securities commissioner in January, 1985. He chose Beverly Bassett = Schaffer....

In interviews, Mrs. Schaffer, now a Fayetteville lawyer, said = she did=20 not remember the Federal examination of Madison, but added that in = her=20 view, the findings were not "definitive proof of insolvency."

In 1985, Mrs. Clinton and her Little Rock law firm, the Rose = firm,=20 twice applied to the Arkansas Securities Commission on behalf of = Madison,=20 asking that the savings and loan be allowed to try two novel plans = to=20 raise money.

Mrs. Schaffer wrote to Mrs. Clinton and another lawyer at the = firm=20 approving the ideas. "I never gave anybody special treatment," she = said.

Madison was not able to raise additional capital. And by 1986 = Federal=20 regulators, who insured Madison's deposits, took control of the=20 institution and ousted Mr. McDougal. Mrs. Schaffer supported the = action.

Gerth's original story was recently praised in the American = Journalism=20 Review as containing 80 to 90 percent of what the press knows = about=20 Whitewater today. Rival reporters complained, though, that the = 1992=20 article lacked a "nut paragraph" summing up what the Clintons had = done=20 wrong and why it was important.

The insinuations became clearer in subsequent Gerth stories in = the fall=20 of 1993.(*) Following the Washington Post's October 31, 1993, = revelation=20 that the RTC had made a referral to the Justice Department naming = the=20 Clintons as (perhaps unwitting) beneficiaries of possible criminal = actions, Gerth and Stephen Engelberg, another Times reporter, = wrote=20 lengthy articles that appeared on November 2 and December 15. The = first=20 dealt mainly with the still-unsubstantiated claims of former = Municipal=20 Judge David Hale that Bill Clinton urged him to commit federal = bank fraud=20 by lending $ 300,000 to Jim McDougal's wife, Susan. (Gerth and = Engelberg=20 neglected to point out that David Hale--no Clinton intimate but a=20 courthouse pol first appointed by Republican Governor Frank = White--had set=20 up thirteen dummy companies with the same mailing address as his = own,=20 evidently without pressure from the Clintons.) Elsewhere, the = November 2=20 piece was pretty much a rehash of the original 1992 article, with = a few=20 characteristically misleading tidbits added for emphasis. "By = 1983, Mr.=20 McDougal's bank was in trouble with Arkansas regulators," the = Times=20 informed readers. "The state's banking commissioner, Marlin S. = Jackson,=20 ordered the bank to stop making imprudent loans. Mr. Jackson, a = Clinton=20 appointee, said in an interview last year that he told Mr. Clinton = at the=20 time of Mr. McDougal's questionable practices." Now, what Jackson = told the=20 Los Angeles Times (which also turned the tale inside out but did = give fair=20 context) was that the governor had urged him to ignore politics = and be the=20 "best banking commissioner you can be ." Jackson had acted on this = suggestion, with the result that the Clintons' own note was = called.

The real bombshell was Gerth and Engelberg's December 15, 1993, = story,=20 which all but accused both Clintons, Jim McDougal, and Beverly = Bassett=20 Schaffer of criminal conspiracy to keep Madison Guaranty afloat = regardless=20 of the cost. But the implication in that account that has shown = the most=20 staying power involves a supposed quid pro quo involving Hillary = Rodham=20 Clinton. It centers on an April 1985 political fund-raiser Jim = McDougal=20 held and the suspicion that he may have illegally siphoned Madison = Guaranty funds into Bill Clinton's campaign coffers. "Just a few = weeks=20 after Mr. McDougal raised the money for him," the Times noted = darkly,=20 "Madison Guaranty won approval from Mrs. Schaffer, Mr. Clinton's = new=20 financial regulator, for a novel plan to sell stock."

"The search for new capital," Gerth and Engelberg continued, = took=20 Madison to the offices of Mrs. Schaffer, who had the ultimate = authority to=20 approve any such stock sale. One of the lawyers employed by = Madison to=20 argue its case before the state regulators was Mrs. Clinton.=20

Within weeks, Mrs. Schaffer wrote a letter to Mrs. Clinton = giving=20 preliminary approval to Madison's stock plan.

The sale never went forward. But this fall the RTC asked the = Justice=20 Department to examine a number of Madison's transactions, and = federal=20 officials say the state's approval of the stock plan was among the = matters=20 raised by investigators.

The Times also quoted McDougal to the effect that Bassett = Schaffer was=20 his handpicked choice as Arkansas securities commissioner.

The theory implicit in Gerth's Times stories may be summarized = as=20 follows: when his business partner and benefactor McDougal got in = trouble,=20 Bill Clinton dumped the sitting Arkansas securities commissioner = and=20 appointed a hack, Beverly Bassett Schaffer. He and Hillary then = pressured=20 Bassett Schaffer to grant McDougal special favors--until the = vigilant feds=20 cracked down on Madison Guaranty, thwarting the Clintons' plan. = This is=20 the Received Version of the Whitewater scandal as it first took = shape in=20 the pages of the New York Times--what all the fuss is ultimately = about.=20 And it bears almost no relation to reality.

The distortions begin with the headline of the original Gerth = story in=20 the Times: CLINTONS JOINED S.&L. OPERATOR IN AN OZARK = REAL-ESTATE=20 VENTURE. This headline was misleading because when Bill and = Hillary=20 Clinton entered into the misbegotten partnership to subdivide and = develop=20 230 forested acres along the White River as resort property in = 1978, Jim=20 McDougal wasn't involved in the banking and S&L businesses at = all. He=20 was a career political operative--a former aide to Senators J. = William=20 Fulbright and John L. McClellan. In the meantime, McDougal had = done well=20 in the inflation-fueled Ozarks land boom of the Seventies. But it = wouldn't=20 be until five years later--by which time the Whitewater investment = was=20 already moribund--that he bought a controlling interest in Madison = Guaranty.

Details, details. Gerth wrote that McDougal quickly built = Madison "into=20 one of the largest state-chartered associations in Arkansas." = Wrong again.=20 Among thirty-nine S&Ls listed in the 1985 edition of = Sheshunoff's=20 Arkansas Savings and Loans, Madison ranked twenty-fifth in assets = and=20 thirtieth in amount loaned. These errors of detail might be = forgiven if=20 Gerth had in fact uncovered a conspiracy between the Clintons and = the=20 Arkansas securities commissioner to treat Jim McDougal leniently. = The=20 appearance of conspiracy, however, was created not by the actions = of the=20 alleged parties but by selective reporting.

Consider, for example, Gerth's treatment of the appointment of = Beverly=20 Bassett Schaffer as Arkansas securities commissioner in his March = 8, 1992,=20 article: "After Federal regulators found that Mr. McDougal's = savings=20 institution, Madison Guaranty, was insolvent, meaning it faced = possible=20 closure by the state, Mr. Clinton appointed a new state securities = commissioner...." The clear implication is that in response to a = Federal=20 Home Loan Bank Board report dated Januuary 20, 1984, suggesting = that=20 Madison might be insolvent, Clinton in January 1985 installed = Bassett=20 Schaffer as Arkansas securities commissioner for the purpose of = protecting=20 McDougal.

So how come he waited an entire year? In reality, the timing of = Bassett=20 Schaffer's appointment had nothing to do with the FHLBB report, = which=20 there's no reason to think Clinton knew about. (The Clintons had = no=20 financial stake in Madison Guaranty, although that, too, has been=20 obscured.) The fact is that Bill Clinton had to find a new = commissioner in=20 January 1985 because the incumbent, Lee Thalhiemer, had resigned = to=20 reenter private practice. Appointed by Republican Governor Frank = White and=20 kept on by Clinton, Thalhiemer says he told Gerth this in an = interview,=20 and describes the Times version as "unmitigated horseshit."

Bassett Schaffer strenuously insists that to this day she has = never met=20 McDougal, never heard Bill Clinton mention his name, and does not = believe=20 he influenced her appointment--and told Gerth so. She had actively = sought=20 the job from the moment she learned that Thalhiemer was quitting = (he=20 confirms recommending her to Clinton). She herself had volunteered = in=20 Clinton's 1974 congressional campaign and had worked for him full = time on=20 the Arkansas attorney general's staff while in law school. And her = brother, Woody Bassett, also a Fayetteville attorney, was a = personal=20 friend and supporter of Bill Clinton.

The claim that Jim McDougal was behind Bassett Schaffer's = appointment=20 rests entirely on the word of McDougal himself, a victim of=20 manic-depressive illness whose lawyer filed an insanity plea in a = 1990=20 bank-fraud trial in U.S. District Court, in which McDougal was = ultimately=20 found not guilty. In his original 1992 article, Gerth had = acknowledged=20 McDougal's history of emotional illness but described him as = "stable,=20 careful and calm." By 1993 mention of those difficulties had all = but=20 vanished from the pages of the New York Times--despite the fact = that the=20 supposed recipient of Bill Clinton's largess was living in = Arkadelphia in=20 a trailer on SSI disability payments. Also unmentioned, for what = it's=20 worth, was that McDougal had long since recanted his accusations = against=20 Clinton and taken to blaming the whole mess on Republican = partisans in the=20 RTC.

But did Bassett Schaffer help McDougal anyway? Did the Arkansas = Securities Department, as Gerth asserts, have proof of Madison = Guaranty's=20 insolvency in early 1985? Did Bassett Schaffer have the legal = authority to=20 shut it down?

Consider the allegation that Madison was insolvent and Bassett = Schaffer=20 failed to respond. True, the 1984 FHLBB report did argue that = Madison=20 Guaranty had overestimated its profit from contract land = sales--not=20 including Whitewater--by $ 564,705. "Correcting entries will = adversely=20 effect (sic) net worth and result in an insolvent position." But = is this=20 proof of legal insolvency? Hardly. In the first place (although = Gerth=20 neglected to point this out), the title page of the document from = which=20 the Times reporter took the one brief passage he cited stipulated = that it=20 had "been prepared for supervisory purposes only and should not be = considered an audit report." More significantly, federal auditors = later=20 accepted Madison's position on contract land sales, and the = putative=20 adjustments were never made. Indeed, on June 26, 1984, six months = after=20 the report Gerth cited, and six months before Bassett Schaffer = took=20 office, Madison Guaranty's board of directors met in Dallas with = state and=20 federal regulators. They agreed to enter a formal "Supervisory = Agreement"=20 with the FHLBB that spelled out detailed legal and accounting = procedures=20 designed to help the S&L improve its financial position. In a = letter=20 dated September 11, 1984, the FHLBB gave Madison formal approval = of a=20 debt-restructuring plan that "negat ed the need for adjustment of = $=20 564,705 in improperly recognized profits" and dropped all = references to=20 insolvency. Arkansas officials also called Gerth's attention to an = independent 1984 audit that also refuted Madison's insolvency. In = his=20 story the reporter neglected to mention either document.

If McDougal shoved any funny money in the Clintons' = direction--either=20 through Whitewater or an April 1985 campaign fund-raiser--the = Arkansas=20 Securities Department sure found an odd way to reward him. No = sooner did=20 Bassett Schaffer receive the FHLBB's 1986 report on Madison than = she=20 recommended stringent action. On July 11, 1986, she and a member = of her=20 staff flew to Dallas to meet with FHLBB and Federal Savings and = Loan=20 Insurance Corporation regulators for a showdown with Madison's = board.=20 McDougal himself was not invited. McDougal was stripped of = authority, and=20 federal officials agreed to supervise the failed thrift until the = FSLIC=20 found money to pay depositors. When, a year later, Bassett = Schaffer=20 received an audit for 1986 (and a revised audit for 1985) = officially=20 reflecting that Madison Guaranty was insolvent, she wrote the = FHLBB and=20 FSLIC a letter, dated December 10, 1987, strenuously urging them = to shut=20 down Madison and two other Arkansas S&Ls. Fifteen months = later,=20 federal regulators (whose tardiness cannot be blamed on pressure = from a=20 state governor) finally locked Madison's doors.

There is not the slightest evidence, then, that Bassett = Schaffer=20 inappropriately delayed taking action against Madison. Nor, it = seems, did=20 she bend the law when asked by Hillary Clinton to approve a stock = sale by=20 the ailing thrift.

Remember the dark hint of misdeeds in Gerth and Engelberg's = December=20 15, 1993, story: "Just a few weeks after Mr. McDougal raised the = money for=20 Governor Clinton , Madison Guaranty won approval from Mrs. = Schaffer, Mr.=20 Clinton's new financial regulator, for a novel plan to sell = stock." Now,=20 what made Madison Guaranty's plan "novel" is hard to say. The vast = majority of state-regulated S&Ls in 1985 issued stock. Even = so, the=20 adjective, with its implication of wrong-doing, has recurred = mantra-like=20 in virtually every Whitewater roundup article since.

For Hillary Rodham Clinton to have ventured anywhere near = Madison in=20 any capacity was a damn fool thing to do. But the fact is that her = entire=20 involvement in the "novel" stock issue consisted of the mention of = her=20 name in a letter written by a junior member of the Rose Law Firm=20 expressing the opinion that it would be permissible under state = law for=20 Madison Guaranty to make a preferred stock offering. After = studying the=20 applicable statutes and consulting with her staff, Bassett = Schaffer=20 agreed. "Arkansas law," she wrote in a two-paragraph letter dated = May 14,=20 1985--the now-famous "Dear Hillary" missive--"expressly gives = state=20 chartered associations all the powers given regular business=20 corporations... including the power to authorize and issue = preferred=20 capital stock." Bassett Schaffer had issued the narrowest sort of=20 regulatory opinion. Had she ruled otherwise, Madison Guaranty = would have=20 had no difficulty finding a judge to reverse her. Anyway, no = application=20 was ever filed.

The Arkansas Securities Department's power to close ailing = S&Ls was=20 mostly theoretical. Unlike the feds, Bassett Schaffer's office had = no=20 plenary authority to shut S&Ls down and seize their assets. = Nor did=20 Arkansas law make any provision for the state to pay off = despositors of=20 bankrupt S&Ls. That duty belonged to the FSLIC. "We acted in = unison at=20 all times," says Walter Faulk, then director of supervision for = the FHLBB=20 in Dallas. "I never saw Bassett Schaffer take any action that was = out of=20 the ordinary. Nor, to be perfectly honest, could she have gotten = away with=20 anything if she did. To my knowledge, there is nothing that she or = the=20 governor of Arkansas did or could have done that would have = delayed the=20 action on this institution."

When I asked him recently about the discrepancies and omissions = in his=20 reporting, Jeff Gerth stood his ground, alternately argumentative = and=20 defensive, and did not wish to be quoted. He argues, for example, = that he=20 never literally wrote that Jim McDougal had in fact gotten Bassett = Schaffer the job, merely that he'd claimed to. Her denial struck = him as=20 beside the point. In other instances, he pleaded limitations of = time and=20 space.

The perception that Gerth most resents is the one most talked = about in=20 Arkansas: his reliance upon the hidden hand of Sheffield = Nelson--Clinton's=20 1990 Republican gubernatorial opponent and a legendary political=20 infighter. The Times reporter insists that Nelson did no more than = give=20 him Jim McDougal's phone number and later introduce him to former = Judge=20 David Hale, whose defense attorney is Nelson's associate. Nelson, = the=20 Republican nominee for governor again in 1994, tends to be coy = about his=20 role. But he has given other reporters a thirty-eight-page = transcript of=20 an early 1992 conversation between himself and McDougal, then = embittered=20 by what he saw as Clinton's abandonment.

Indeed, Jeff Gerth, Sheffield Nelson, and the New York Times go = way=20 back. As long ago as 1978, Gerth wrote a well-timed expose of = Nelson's=20 mortal foes Witt and Jack Stephens--the billionaire natural-gas = moguls and=20 investment bankers who ran Arkansas like a company store during = the Orval=20 Faubus era (1955-67). The Stephens brothers owned a small = gas-distribution=20 company in Fort Smith that was paying them at a better rate then = other=20 gas-royalty owners. But what made Gerth's piece significant was = its=20 timing: it appeared shortly before a Democratic primary in which = the=20 Stephenses' nephew, U.S. Representative Ray Thornton, was = eliminated in a=20 three-man race for the U.S. Senate. Gerth had promised local = reporters=20 he'd uncovered a scandal that would knock Thornton out of the = race. Some=20 observers think the Times article about the business dealings of=20 Thornton's uncles did swing just enough votes in Fort Smith to = keep him=20 out of a runoff election won by Senator David Pryor.

A few more highlights from Sheffield Nelson's political = biography may=20 help underline his motives for helping reporters portray the = Clintons in=20 the worst possible light. Hired out of college as Witt Stephens's = personal=20 assistant, Nelson was later installed as CEO of Arkansas-Louisiana = Gas Co.=20 (Arkla), controlled by the Stephens family and the state's = principal=20 natural-gas utility. (It was his subsequent refusal to use Arkla = pipelines=20 to carry gas from other Stephens-owned companies to buyers east of = the=20 state that eventually provoked a lifelong blood feud of = Shakespearean=20 malevolence.) Until 1989 Nelson was a Democrat, impatiently biding = his=20 time until the end of the Clinton era. But when it became apparent = that=20 Clinton would run again in 1990, Nelson became a Republican and = won the=20 1990 gubernatorial primary over an opponent funded by Stephens = interests.=20 Bill Clinton then proceeded to humiliate Nelson 58 percent to 42 = percent=20 in the general election.

Clinton owed his 1990 triumph in part to the fact that his = Public=20 Service Commission conducted an inquiry into a business deal = involving=20 Nelson and a friend of Nelson's named Jerry Jones. It seems that = back when=20 Nelson was CEO of Arkla, he'd overridden the objections of company = geologists and sold the drilling rights to what turned into a = mammoth gas=20 field in western Arkansas to Arkoma, a company owned by Jones, = whom Nelson=20 had brought onto Arkla's board of directors. The price was $15 = million.=20 Jones found gas almost everywhere he drilled. Two years after = Nelson's=20 departure, Arkla paid Jones and his associates a reported $ 175 = million to=20 buy the same leases back as well as some other properties. Jerry = Jones=20 then proceeded to buy the Dallas Cowboys and win two Super Bowls. = The=20 election-year probe of the Arkla-Arkoma deal resulted in millions = of=20 dollars of refunds to rate payers, which wasn't necessarily the = point. It=20 also earned the President a permanent spot on Sheffield Nelson's = enemies=20 list. The result, it's no exaggeration to say, has been = Whitewater.

The talents of investigative reporters now poring over = Whitewater=20 documents might be better spent looking into another McDougal = real-estate=20 venture. Sheffield Nelson and Jerry Jones put up a reported = $225,000 each=20 in return for a 12.5 percent share of McDougal's ill-conceived = luxury=20 retirement community on Campobello Island, New Brunswick, Canada. = It was=20 New Deal Democrat McDougal's odd conceit that wealthy vacationers = and=20 retirees would be moved by sentimental memories of FDR's summer = retreat=20 (remember Sunrise at Campobello?) to purchase lots on a resort = island that=20 is in fact damp, cold, foggy, and remote. The Campobello project = not only=20 failed but helped pull Madison Guaranty down with it. Gerth and = the Times=20 have left that aspect of the Madison Guaranty story = unexplored--even=20 though, unlike Whitewater, the name of Campobello Properties = Ventures is=20 mentioned prominently and repeatedly in the very FHLBB examination = report=20 that Gerth quoted in his original March 8, 1992, article. Also = unlike=20 Whitewater, the Campobello project did put a big chunk of Madison=20 Guaranty's scant capital at risk--some $3.73 million, to be exact, = at a=20 time when the FHLBB examiner contended that the S&L was = actually=20 $70,000 in the hole.

At last report, that particular picturesque stretch of Canadian = coastline belonged to the Resolution Trust Corporation. Nelson and = Jones,=20 however, actually made a profit. In 1988, the FHLBB, then = supervising=20 Madison Guaranty's assets, bought the boys out for = $725,000--leaving them=20 a profit of $ 275,000. No doubt there's a plausible explanation, = although=20 William Seidman, chief of the FDIC and the RTC at the height of = the=20 S&L crisis, told the Fort Worth Star-Telegram that "I can't = believe=20 it. It's an extraordinary event. It smells. It could be legit, but = I doubt=20 it." Gerth says the Campobello deal holds no interest for Times = readers.=20 But imagine the uproar had your tax dollars bailed out the = Clintons rather=20 than an embittered Republican politician feeding damaging = allegations to=20 the New York Times.

The same faults that mar Jeff Gerth's reporting on=20 Whitewater--misleading innuendo and ignorance or suppression of=20 exculpatory facts--also showed up in the Times accounts of Hillary = Rodham=20 Clinton's commodity trades with Springdale attorney Jim Blair and = her=20 husband's dealings with Tyson Foods. "During Mr. Clinton's tenure = in=20 Arkansas," Gerth wrote near the top of his March 18, 1994, = front-page=20 account, "Tyson benefited from a variety of state actions, = including $9=20 million in government loans, the placement of company executives = on=20 important state boards and favorable decisions on environmental = issues."=20 The alleged $9 million in loans was the implied quid pro quo for = old pal=20 Blair's generous tips to Hillary in the 1970s that helped her turn = $ 1,000=20 into nearly $ 100,000.

Following Gerth's report, the incriminating $9 million figure = appeared=20 virtually everywhere. The Times itself weighed in with a March 31=20 editorial called "Arkansas Secrets," attacking the "seedy = appearances" of=20 Bill and Hillary Clinton's "extraordinary indifference to...the = normal=20 divisions between government and personal interests." The same = editorial=20 went on to deride what it called "the Arkansas Defense": that "you = cannot=20 apply the standards of the outside world to Arkansas, where a = thousand or=20 so insiders run things in a loosey-goosey way that may look = unethical or=20 even illegal to outsiders." Nor have Times editorial writers been = the only=20 ones to scold the Clintons for succumbing to the lax moral climate = of the=20 president's native state. The Baltimore Sun, Spiro Agnew's = hometown paper,=20 opined that the First Lady's adventures in the cow trade = "certainly don't=20 smell right, especially considering that Jim Blair represented a = giant,=20 influential agribusiness firm in Arkansas that later received what = seemed=20 to be favors from Gov. Clinton."

Newsweek's Joe Klein wrote of the President's = "multiple-personality=20 disorder," involving a moderate Clinton, a liberal Clinton, and = "the=20 likely suspect in the Whitewater inquiry, a pragmatic power = politician who=20 did whatever necessary to get and keep office in = Arkansas...granting=20 low-interest loans to not-very-needy business interests, who in = turn=20 contributed generously to his political campaigns. This Clinton = snuggled=20 up close to the Arkansas oligarchs, the bond daddies and chicken=20 pluckers--and never quite escaped the orbit of the shadowy = Stephens=20 brothers, Witt and Jackson." (Witt Stephens has been dead for = three years,=20 and Jack Stephens is a Reagan Republican who has bankrolled nearly = every=20 Clinton opponent--except Sheffield Nelson--since the early 1980s.)

There's just one problem with this chorus of self-righteous=20 denunciation: the $9 million in loans that inspired it never = existed.=20 Especially attentive readers of the New York Times may have = noticed an odd=20 little item in the daily "Corrections" column on April 20, 1994:

An article on March 18 about Hillary Rodham Clinton's commodity = trades=20 misstated benefits that the Tyson Foods company received from the = state of=20 Arkansas. Tyson did not receive $9 million in loans from the = state; the=20 company did benefit from at least $ 7 million in state tax = credits,=20 according to a Tyson spokesman.

Gerth blames a chart misread on deadline.

But was the Times embarrassed? Hardly. In the journalistic = equivalent=20 of double jeopardy, the Times editors, having convicted Hillary = Clinton on=20 a spurious charge, decided she was guilty of a new charge: helping = Tyson=20 Foods to that $ 7 million in tax credits. No sooner had she held = her April=20 22 press conference on Whitewater-related issues than the Times = fretted=20 that the First Lady's performance had been smooth but cleverly = evasive.=20 Particularly suspicious, an April 24 editorial found, were her = dealings=20 with Jim Blair, "a lawyer for Tyson Foods, a large company that = was=20 heavily regulated by and received substantial tax credits from the = Arkansas government." Emphasis added. And people call the = President slick!

The truth is far less lurid. The $7 million in investment tax = credits=20 Tyson Foods claimed against its Arkansas state tax bill after = 1985--that=20 is, between seven and fourteen years after Hillary's commodity=20 trades--were written into the state's revenue code and were never = Bill=20 Clinton's to bestow or withhold. True, the Clinton Administration = did=20 sponsor the 1985 legislation that created the tax credits. It did = so under=20 strong pressure, not from Tyson but from International Paper, = which=20 threatened to take its processing plants elsewhere unless Arkansas = matched=20 tax breaks available from other states--a potentially severe = economic blow=20 to the already poor southern half of the state. Far from being = unique to=20 Arkansas, state investment tax credits are now the rule from sea = to=20 shining sea. One week after the Times made its lame correction, = Tyson=20 announced the opening of a new plant in Portland, Indiana. = According to a=20 press release by Indiana Governor Evan Bayh, the state and local=20 governments provided some $9 million in economic = incentives--approximately=20 equal to what Tyson got from Arkansas during Bill Clinton's six = terms.

Elsewhere, nearly every bit of evidence cited as proof of shady = connections between the Clintons and Tyson Foods in the Times = March 18,=20 1994, front-page story got the familiar Gerth treatment. Besides = the=20 imaginary $9 million in loans, Gerth cited several other = suspicious=20 transactions, among them a bitter court battle over polluted = groundwater=20 in the town of Green Forest in which the Clinton Administration = "failed to=20 take any significant action," and a pair of seemingly tainted=20 appointments--including renaming a Tyson veterinarian to the state = Livestock and Poultry Commission and Jim Blair to the University = of=20 Arkansas board. An objective account of the court battle would = have=20 pointed out that the city of Green Forest was itself a defendant = in the=20 same lawsuit. Bill Clinton was not. Officials of the Arkansas = Department=20 of Pollution Control and Ecology testified for the plaintiffs = against=20 Tyson Foods. So much for yet another dark Clintonian conspiracy.

Reappointing a Tyson veterinarian to the Livestock and Poultry=20 Commission? Clinton is guilty as charged. Except that the fellow = happens=20 to be the state's ranking expert on chicken diseases, the = prevention and=20 treatment of which is the commission's principal task. As for = naming Jim=20 Blair himself to the University of Arkansas board? Well, it's = quite an=20 honor, and Blair can undeniably score great Razorback tickets. = Otherwise,=20 where's the scandal? At any rate, Blair wasn't a Tyson employee = back when=20 he and Hillary did their cattle trades. He was in private practice = as one=20 of Springdale's most prominent corporate attorneys, representing = banks,=20 trucking companies, insurance firms, and poultry interests.

Gerth portrayed chicken mogul Don Tyson as a major Clinton = supporter=20 and fund-raiser, one whose close ties to the President had "been a = subject=20 of debate for years in Little Rock and which became an issue = during the=20 1992 Presidential campaign." The fact is that Clinton's battles = with Tyson=20 and the poultry industry are legendary in Arkansas. After Clinton = failed=20 to support an effort by the poultry and trucking lobbies to raise = the=20 truck weight limit to 80,000 pounds, Tyson backed his Republican = opponent,=20 Frank White, in 1980 and 1982 and refused to speak to Clinton for = years.=20 When Clinton finally gave in on the 80,000-pound limit (making = Arkansas=20 the last of the states to do so), he pushed through the = legislature an=20 unusual "tonmile" tax on eighteen wheelers--scaling the fee to the = weight=20 and distance they drove on Arkansas highways. The ton-mile tax was = eventually thrown out after a bitter court battle. (In keeping = with=20 tradition, a profile of Clinton in The New York Times Magazine by = Michael=20 Kelly last July omitted the political context and cited the same = fight as=20 evidence of Clinton's spinelessness.)=20

Like most Arkansans, Tyson did back Clinton's 1983 educational = reforms=20 and made relatively modest campaign contributions from then = on--something=20 that was clearly prudent on the part of one of the state's largest = private=20 employers. But in the legislature the poultry and trucking = industries=20 fought virtually every Clinton initiative. Indeed it was Clinton's = anger=20 at the poultry industry and the Stephens interests, among others, = after=20 they combined to beat back a half-cent education sales tax in 1987 = that=20 provoked him to create a statewide "blue-ribbon" panel to write = Arkansas's=20 first meaningful ethics and disclosure law. After the selfsame = "special=20 interests" gutted the thing during a special session, Clinton = dissolved=20 the legislative session, led the effort to put the new standard on = the=20 ballot as an initiated act, campaigned for it hard, and won. = (Times=20 editorial writers may be interested to know that New York Governor = Mario=20 Cuomo's having earned $ 270,000 in 1992 giving speeches might = constitute a=20 felony here in darkest Arkansas.)

Don Tyson did throw in with the governor on one notable issue = during=20 Clinton's last go-around with the Arkansas legislature. A charter = member=20 of the so-called Good Suit Club--a group of wealthy bankers and=20 businessmen, like the late Sam Walton of Wal-Mart, who met = informally to=20 encourage educational reform--Tyson endorsed Clinton's plan to = levy a 1/2=20 of 1 percent increase in the corporate income tax to benefit = community=20 technical colleges, helping the bill win the necessary = three-fourths vote.=20 Quick, somebody call Gerth at the New York Times and notify the = special=20 prosecutor. Something tells me they're fixing to load those = technical=20 colleges up with poultry-science courses.

All of this raises the really interesting question at the heart = of the=20 Whitewater scandal: why--with representatives of the vaunted = national=20 press camped out in Little Rock for weeks at a time, squinting = over aged=20 public documents and pontificating nightly at the Capital Hotel = bar--has=20 nobody blown the whistle on Gerth and the New York Times? There = are=20 several reasons, ambition and fear among them. It is always safest = to run=20 with the pack, and editors who invest thousands of dollars on a = scandal=20 don't normally want to hear that there's no scandal to be found. = Reporters=20 who have challenged aspects of the official version, like Greg = Gordon and=20 Tom Hamburger of the Minneapolis Star Tribune and John Camp of = CNN, have=20 not found their celebrity enhanced. Those who have tried to split = the=20 difference, like the reporters for Time magazine--which has always = reported (albeit parenthetically) that Arkansas bank regulators = treated=20 Madison Guaranty sternly--have ended up producing accounts as = muddled and=20 self-referential as a John Barth novel. "The dealings in = question," Time's=20 George Church wrote last January 24, "are so complex that it is = difficult=20 even to summarize the suspicions they arouse, let alone cite the = evidence=20 supporting such suspicions. ... Violations of law, if any, would = be=20 extremely difficult to prove." And people call Clinton = mealymouthed.

Regional bias and cultural condescension play a part, too. How = could=20 the New York Times be wrong and the Arkansas Times be right? But = even if=20 Bill Clonton had been governor of Connecticut instead of Arkansas, = in the=20 post-Watergate, post-everythinggate culture no reporter wishes to = appear=20 insufficiently prosecutorial--particularly not when the suspects = are the=20 President and his wife. By definition they've got to be guilty of=20 something; it may as well be Whitewater.

(*)By this time, recall, the stakes were incontestably = higher--Bill=20 Clinton was President of the United States; politically damaging = memos by=20 one Jean Lewis, an employee in the ostensibly neutral RTC, had = been leaked=20 to Republican Congressman Jim Leach and others; and right-wing = outfits=20 like Floyd Brown's Citizens United had begun to churn out what = Trudy=20 Lieberman in the Columbia Journalism Review called "a steady = stream of=20 tips, tidbits, documents, factoids, suspicions and story ideas for = the=20 nation's press."



home= | c= astle=20 grande | seven=20 friends | key= =20 documents | interviews=20 | foster's=20 journal | chronology=20 | pursuing=20 whitewater | vie= wer=20 reaction | press=20 reaction | tapes=20 & transcripts |
web site copyri= ght=20 1995-2008 WGBH educational foundation
3D"PBS
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